Symposium Introduction
Joshua St. Pierre’s Cheap Talk: Disability and the Politics of Communication (University of Michigan Press, 2022) offers a new object for critical inquiry: the history, management, and maintenance of compulsory fluency. As a contribution to philosophy of disability, Cheap Talk will be useful for readers from continental philosophy and critical theory to critical disability studies, communication studies, political studies, and political theology. St. Pierre offers a range of concepts, including the titular phrase “cheap talk,” as well as “fluency,” “dysfluency,” “talking heads,” “smoothness,” and “the universal priesthood of information,” that work together to bring the book’s analyses to vivid life. And the problems that give rise to each concept, in turn, are staged for us as readers through dramatic—often poignant, sometimes comedic, always tangible—examples.
Cheap Talk lays out a genealogy of speech, communication, and information technologies that focuses especially on the production of fluency and pathologizing of dysfluency. The book traverses wide-ranging terrain: the symptoms, ideals, values and value systems, disciplinary regimes, and specific techniques that shape our orientations toward talking (how we listen, how we speak, how we relate to time, productivity, and normalcy, and how we imagine and enact political ideals). The book’s formal inventiveness—incorporating vignettes, first-person reflections, all manner of cited references, and exposition—invites readers to confront ableist imaginaries, while at the same time finding concrete meanings in crip politics and forging solidarities in disability justice.
What I love about the exchanges that make up Syndicate symposia is how responses to a book can open up new lines of inquiry, perhaps even counter to some of the guiding premises of a book—and how these lines of inquiry often underscore a book’s creative contributions. Just as reading a book brings it alive for one’s own readerly self, a set of exchanges about a book draws its project into public conversation.
This is precisely one of the stakes of Cheap Talk, given its investments in the import of “talk” itself, from memes and internet discourse to biomedical vocabularies to the speech of tech giants and political leaders to the prose of philosophers to our own deeply personal articulations. Where St. Pierre looks to dysfluency for liberatory talk, Michelle Charette poses a counter-query: “When is dysfluency too costly?” Charette’s counter-query stems in part from original participatory observation, undertaken in relation with people who are navigating chronic pain. Charette, whose own work brings philosophy together with feminist science studies, shows how the book’s sustained emphases on “talk” might foreclose attention to sensorial habits and embodied feedback loops. “The social milieu,” Charette points out, “is imprinted, as it were, on the sounds we make and notice.”
Where Charette suggests that, perhaps especially in contexts of disability like chronic pain, expressions of fluency might have emancipatory promise, Roshaya Rodness concurs with St. Pierre that not talking straight is where resistance begins. Rodness poses a different counter-query, one that heeds and extends the book’s vested queerness. “What does it mean,” Rodness asks, “for us to speak a not-for-profit language?” On Rodness’s account, the book’s own stylistic creativity speaks directly to its project: reading the book offers “queerly wicked pleasure,” in part through its “expansive, stuttering polyphony.” Rodness’s query points to ways in which the book’s own “talk” enacts liberatory methods, especially when read in conversation with queer studies.
Kim Q. Hall shares this sense of the book’s significance as “a crip politics of dysfluent communication.” St. Pierre’s lively and critical reflections on internet speech in Cheap Talk receive an update in Hall’s response that makes the book’s timeliness even more clear: namely, an update regarding the “talk” surrounding ChatGPT. “Everywhere one turns,” Hall points out, “one finds a talking head either touting the promises or the perils of ChatGPT.” Hall suggests that Gloria Anzaldúa’s description of the writing experience, which “seems to be describing a crip ecology of writing,” might be read fruitfully in conversation with Cheap Talk‘s project. Writing, reading, conversing, waiting, “refusing to settle for the ready-made word or world” emerge as practices, full of crip political import.
What emerges in Daniel Martin’s response, almost like an intentional follow-up to Hall’s account of crip writing, is the relational aspect of such crip practices. This “field-to-be,” Martin comments, referring to the scholarly conversations to which Cheap Talk contributes, might be called “Dysfluency Studies.” (Martin is citing Chris Eagle here, and the broader citationality of Martin’s response also, to me, demonstrates the sharedness, the communal co-working, by which such projects come into being.) Martin takes up and extends one of St. Pierre’s own queries: “Once Dysfluency Studies becomes a field of study, what sound bites will it produce, and what kinds of truths about the experiences of dysfluent speech can it introduce?” Martin continues, “What is lost when we find our voices?” In its own style and prose, Martin writes, Cheap Talk “models crip authorship for writers who stutter.” Martin’s response, in turn, models a kind of crip ethos of collaboration—where projects and talk about projects express and likely enrich friendships.
8.13.25 |
Response
On Not Talking Straight
Joshua St. Pierre’s Cheap Talk: Disability and the Politics of Communication is a bracing invitation to challenge the intensifying economic and social forces that subject communication and disabled rhetors to biopower. While disability is the primary site of its enunciation, it opens several new inroads of inquiry into the queerness of errant speech and offers an exciting vocabulary for a queer theory of communication. Reading Cheap Talk, I was struck by how much of St. Pierre’s searching argument is routed through a critique of straightness as the shape of neoliberalism’s ambition for disciplined speech. “Straight talk” (44), as he calls it, exists at the nexus of the economic pressure to produce expedient communication to power a productive workforce and the political rhetoric of talking heads that aims to standardize the terms of public discourse. The “straight talker” (23) is an unassumed public good, the one who cuts across the bullshit and tells it to you like it is. But who is permitted to take up this role, and what gets lost along the wayside of the oratorical flourish, is the subject of St. Pierre’s vital examination of the price we pay for cheap talk.
Our expectations of what gives speech and speakers value is shaped by economic forces that either erase non-normative bodies or absorb their commercial potential to feed the demands of market growth. The liberal-humanist voice, he notes, is constituted through a concatenation of socioeconomic norms: “an abled body that needs no help . . . ; a male and virile body . . . a straight body never veering from its course; a respectable white body that can be trusted to deliver civilized truths” (15). But with the power these subjectivities may provide comes an expropriation of communicative potential for all. Straight talk is cheap because its smooth contour meets no friction along the communicative pathways that channel the movement of capital via information exchange. The information economy, or “info-capitalism,” relies upon the unimpeded transmission of talk to slick the human cogs of labour so that our functional relations operate with increasingly machinic speed and efficiency. Like sexual bodies, communicative bodies are also subject, St. Pierre notes, to what Elizabeth Freeman calls “chrononormativity,” the temporal schemas of capitalist modernity that organize bodies toward maximal productivity. Cheap Talk stumbles back through the untimely currents of speech to foreground unacknowledged sounds and voices so often culled from the refinery of public life.
The communicative plenitude of Cheap Talk turns reading into an experience full of a queerly wicked pleasure. Argued artfully and sardonically with an attention to critical language befitting the topic, Cheap Talk embraces a kind of queer style found not namely in the subjects of the book nor in their identities, but in its commitment to speech that is too slow, prone to error and digression, awkward and upsetting to hear, loquacious in all the wrong ways. St. Pierre writes with an admirable fidelity to his concluding thoughts on the need for truly honest speech to maintain its connection to the bodies that produce it, threading his observations through his own experiences as a stutterer. And while this is no doubt the pounding heart of the book, St. Pierre is not content to stay only with himself. The multiple voices he includes alongside his own, a choice that seems more deliberate than the need for scholarly citation, generates an expansive, stuttering polyphony that fills in the noise that straight talk relentlessly omits.
St. Pierre’s critique is irreducibly queer in its articulation. From “straight talk” to “stuttering from the anus,” he gives to the twisted speech of stuttering and other impeding embodiments a defiant perversity that resonates generatively with a history of queer thought found in the recesses of talk. From “the love that dare not speak its name,” Lord Alfred Douglas’s shibboleth for homosexuality, the genealogy of modern queerness begins in a type of discourse that, pressed into the loams of repressive instincts, grew in a language of the unnamed, unheard, and uncounted. Its correlate in the nineteenth century was the explosion of language for sexual pathologies that anxiously tried to account for the essential perversity of sexuality, and its modern correlate might be something like the bloom of ever-more rarefied identity labels. “I guess every word has a new meaning,” says Karen Wright in the tortured 1961 lesbian drama, The Children’s Hour. “Child, love, friend, woman. There aren’t many safe words anymore.” “I couldn’t call it by name,” cries Martha Dobie.
Cheap Talk turned me back to the early choreographies of queer language described by Eve Sedgwick, whose writing on male homosociality in the Gothic nineteenth century built queer theory around these whispered murmurs. “Sexuality between men had, throughout the Judeo-Christian tradition,” she says, “been famous among those who knew about it at all precisely for having no name—’unspeakable,’ ‘unmentionable,’ or ‘not to be named among Christian men.'”1 The “unspeakable,” she writes, becomes a “byword” for the love that dare not speak its name. Of course, unspeakability is different from unnameability, and St. Pierre asks us to attend closely to kind of language permitted to circulate in public life. I have thought about how homosexuality’s home in bywords relates to what St. Pierre calls in Chapter Three the “order-word,” a term he develops from Deleuze and Guattari. “Order-words,” he says, “are stock phrases and ideas that circulate through repetition to prescribe a standardized grammar of what can be thought and done within the world” (97). In other words, they are an example of “straight talk,” a language that reduces unnameability to digestible morsels of intelligible information. New order-words for queerness, “groomer” and “inappropriate,” and also “diversity” and “inclusion” and “identity,” alternately streamline and commercialize complex embodiments that resist categorization, turning language into a bingo card of circumscribed choice. What kind of speech does it take, St. Pierre ponders throughout, to jam the order-words?
Sexuality is far from unspeakable now. But the moral necessity to speak one’s truth and speak it well is itself underwritten by confessional expectations of truth-telling and modes of therapeutic and economic intervention for reshaping inefficient (often disabled) speech into the type of voice the market will hear and broadcast. One of Sedgwick’s greatest contributions to the field of queer enunciation is her elaboration of the “open secret,” which is information known but not available to be discussed socially. In reflections that have been useful for disability studies, Sedgwick relates the experience of coming out as a fat woman to the language of the open secret: “what kind of secret can the body of a fat woman keep?” she asks, for this is “the secret to the degree that it’s an open one.”2 Coming out about the open secret was first brought to my attention by a speech therapist, who suggested when I started teaching undergraduates that I come out about my stutter on the first day of class. I have since listened to other stuttering professors describe their own “preamble” to me, an amble to out the rambling, that seeks to “renegotiate the representational contract between one’s body and one’s world.”3 Is it enough, I have always wondered: a pause that resets the terms of being heard, or just another confession? The concept of the open secret raises imaginative possibilities I see reflected in Cheap Talk for the desire to be open about forms of expression that refuse to do the work compelled by info-capitalism. The open secret releases a host of unnamed expressions that screech against the smooth talk of the straight shooter.
Anne-Lise François develops the open secret as affirmatively recessive or reticent modes of expression. Like St. Pierre’s critique of the “unassailable good” of “perfect meaning and smooth and instant connection” (2), François’s skepticism of the “unambiguous good of articulation and expression”4 asks us to turn toward the value of non-instrumental, “not-for-profit”5 expression in a milieu of “capitalist investment in value and work and the Enlightenment allegiance to rationalism and progress.”6 The literary characters she discusses are open, non-emphatically, about the inherent sufficiency of their experience and utterance. What does it mean for us to speak a not-for-profit language?
Consider the references to sounds, lacunae, and semantic multiplicities in Sedgwick’s expansive definition of queer, “the open mesh of possibilities, gaps, overlaps, dissonances and resonances, lapses and excesses of meaning when the constituent elements of anyone’s gender, of anyone’s sexuality aren’t made to signify monolithically.”7 The stutterer makes sonic dissonances that resonate beyond the prescribed meanings of words and phrases. When syllables and phonemes break or replicate, they may generate other possibilities for interpretation, and yet this open mesh is more like a tangled net than a tapestry, just as likely to dredge bykill as catch. Involuntary vocalities can encrypt gender and sexuality. “Gay voice,” for example, or the drop in pitch during transition with exogenous testosterone may at once call out to community, disorient expectations, or expose your open secret.
François’s nonemphatic speech is a site for words or even lisps, blocks, and stutters for queer life that are not names, voices that want to do something stranger than be heard. St. Pierre: “the struggle for the stutterer is not ‘to be heard’ or to be recognized as a talking head, but to transform the constellation of (human and inhuman) forces that produce and fix the identity of ‘disabled speaker’ in an info-therapeutic state” (136). Queer theory is rooted in resistance to identity politics, and yet now that we are several theories removed from Judith Butler’s Excitable Speech and Giving an Account of Oneself, I wonder if a return to questions about working words, accounts, and accountability through communication biopolitics may be a way to newly confront what is free about speech now. After Cheap Talk, I wonder how queer life might transform the conditions under which it speaks so that we may be something other than vessels for truth. “The logic of recognition,” St. Pierre continues, “cannot think beyond the sovereign self: an individual creature—a hierarchy of organs—defined by reason and right” (136). Transforming the conditions under which we come to speak as plural subjects may be a way, after François, “of measuring difference not by what an action materially produces but by the imaginative possibilities revelation may either open or eclipse.”8
Between order-words and what he calls later in the book “stuttering parrhesia” (114), St. Pierre founds a queer ethics of disabled speech in an embodied language that de-privileges the signifying name in favor of the idiosyncrasies of the speaking body. He introduces the ancient Cynic Diogenes of Sinope, a kind of patron saint of Cheap Talk, who in trying and failing to convey the virtues of Heracles to an audience, performs a live demonstration of his message by squatting and shitting in the street. Explaining the Cynics’ bodily replies to the crooning rhetoric of the Platonic truth-tellers, St. Pierre offers the possibility of, after Daniel Martin, “stuttering from the anus” (131), a mode of speaking that rejects recognition but that irrepressibly ties speech to the body of the speaker. We never quite know where our voice comes from; as much as it seems to originate in the mouth it flows unexpectedly from the sonorous remains of an embodiment that cannot quite marshal control of its own presence and containment. It veers off the straight line of the tongue from its strange awakening in other ports. It’s hard not to shit-talk. If the “troll,” in St. Pierre’s lexicon, jams official currents by spewing shit behind the cloak of web anonymity, the parrhesiastic speaker suspends the thrall of discourse by standing before her listeners and asking them to dwell with the slow bracing drip of an honest emission. For all its conspicuousness is “shitting in the street” a recessive action? An action taken from the recesses of the body that demands to be experienced otherwise than as a rational sign?
I hear echoes of Leo Bersani’s essay “Is the Rectum a Grave?” written during the peak of the AIDS epidemic in the global North, when the imagined link between anal sex and annihilation was tragically literalized. At no other point in history was it more urgent for Bersani to reclaim homosexuality from its liberal defenders as the ascetic rejection of propriety, seriousness, and hygiene. In a time when eugenic impulses bear upon disabled speakers under the palatable banners of “self-improvement” and “overcoming” and “job readiness,” “[i]t may be in [our] rectum,” to loosely cite Bersani, “that [we] demolish [our] own perhaps otherwise uncontrollable identification with a murderous judgment against [us].”9 “To fling one’s shit and exit language” (139), as St. Pierre proposes, may be one version of what Fred Moten has called “the refusal of that which has been refused to you” (in Hartman and Moten).10 It is our “first right,” he says, that founds a version of community and citizenship that rejects the humanist signs exploited to deny your participation in the social. It resonates with Édouard Glissant’s “right to opacity,”11 the right that cannot be given and therefore cannot be taken away to exit language and refuse the name. St. Pierre suggests that we might renunciate the humanistic conditions of voice that separate the signifying from the sonorous. Straight speech subordinates the body to a transcendent voice, one valued as human to the extent that it lifts in flight from corporeality, leaving behind the lesser buccal functions of eating, drooling, kissing, spitting, spewing, and breathing, and taking new form as a signifying emanation vaulting away from the direction of the anus. That desirous and seductive sonority, he suggests, may be the preserve of what I have called the unnameable, the queer recesses of language that sound out an irregular grammar of defiance. The voice, we might say, is butt stuff.
St. Pierre reminds us that it is not enough to defend free speech in times of crisis, and I try to imagine what types of stuttering parrhesia from down under we could be proud to (st)utter in a moment when queerness faces another kind of unspeakability. “Don’t Say Gay” bills introduced in several American states (alongside various bans on teaching race and racial history) and the recent proliferation of book bans on topics of queer sexuality and race are the products of a perceived threat to power fueled by a cacophony of political theatrics that cannot stop saying gay. Book and teaching bans bring sexuality and gender to the forefront of American speech through the mouths of talking heads and trolls, and it is evident that positive representation will not be enough to transform the eradicating impulse that seeks to snuff out inconvenient bodies by speaking loud and clearly. St. Pierre offers no easy remedy for the parrhesiastic crisis, but he reckons that it begins with not talking straight.
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Between Men: English Literature and Male Homosocial Desire (New York: Columbia University Press, 1992), 94.↩
Eve Kosofsky Sedgwick, Tendencies (Durham: Duke University Press, 1993), 229.↩
Sedgwick, Tendencies, 230.↩
Anne-Lise François, Open Secrets: The Literature of Uncounted Experience (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2008), xvi.↩
François, Open Secrets, 21.↩
François, Open Secrets, xvi.↩
Sedgwick, Tendencies, 8.↩
François, Open Secrets, 21.↩
Leo Bersani, Is the Rectum a Grave? and Other Essays (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 29–30.↩
Saidiya Hartman and Fred Moten, “To Refuse That Which Has Been Refused To You,” Chimerenga, 2018, https://chimurengachronic.co.za/to-refuse-that-which-has-been-refused-to-you-2/.↩
Édouard Glissant, The Poetics of Relation, trans. Betsy Wing (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1997), 189.↩
8.18.25 |
Response
ChatGPT: Cheap Talk and Cheap Writing
What does it mean to communicate? What is the function of communication in a democracy? What does communication do? What could it do? Within the mainstream, the meaning and ultimate purpose of communication is assumed to be straightforward: the clear expression of views that aims to understand or know the truth about something or someone. Thus access—understood in the liberal sense as identification and elimination of barriers to communication—is an important concern in a democratic society, and communication therapies and technologies—from social media to text messages—are touted as increasing access to information and freedom of expression. Or so the neoliberal story goes.
In Cheap Talk Joshua St. Pierre challenges these institutionalized assumptions, drawing the reader’s attention to their interrelated ableist, eugenic, and fascist logic. Through tracing acolytes of the “high priests” of info-capitalism such as the talking head and the troll, St. Pierre brilliantly and persuasively argues that, far from making communication more accessible, free, and informed, info-capitalism’s technological promulgation of incessant chatter empties speech of significance, cheapening it. In other words, the communicative spaces of info-capitalism are saturated with words that communicate nothing, even as they expand markets and increase profits for those who produce and control information technologies. St. Pierre characterizes such talk as cheap because it is a decontextualized and depoliticized capacity that is detached from meaningful action, social context, and truth (3–4). Mechanized tongues speak automatically, fluently, and quickly; their currency is the click and the soundbite (6–7).
As “speed disconnected from action” (1) cheap talk erodes the potentially transformative relationality and creativity of communication. Despite their promise to expand connections and access, info-technologies empty words of their disruptive force and instead put them to work to strengthen the flows of info-capitalism. Making oneself heard in the din of chatter requires, St. Pierre argues, fluency and speed. Fluency refers to “perfect meaning and smooth instant communication,” a frictionless relay between smooth talkers and their recipients (2). There is no place for a dysfluent speaker in this milieu since participation requires the elimination of dysfluency, or disability. What passes for good communication in this context are rapidly shared, ready-made phrases, a becoming-automatic that tames and contains what it is possible to imagine and communicate. As St. Pierre describes this phenomenon,
Speaking and listening both become predictive rather than responsive. The way that algorithms predict (and thus standardize, making automatic) input in the form of autotype mirrors how fluent people “finish” dysfluent sentences, predicting and interjecting based on standardizing protocols rather than making something new to emerge. (87)
The result is a flurry of say-nothing words that simply feed the trolls and the machine of info-capitalism.
So how to stop feeding the trolls? How to disrupt the vacuous, attention-demanding, noxious flow of cheap talk? The purpose of St. Pierre’s book is not to offer a solution to this larger problem. Indeed, as he points out, it is difficult if not impossible to critique the problem without also being positioned as a talking head within this system, regardless of one’s intentions. The info-technologies of neoliberalism are quite adept at appropriating diverse communication across a political spectrum and using it to incite more cheap talk, all in the service of capital. Or, as St. Pierre writes, “Our very communicative opening to the world is constituted by technologies of subjection that continually attempt to render communication a techne rather than an ethos” (43). To critically intervene in cheap talk, St. Pierre recommends a crip politics of dysfluent communication. Such a politics aims at paying attention to “how we communicate: how we look (or don’t look) at nonnormative speakers, how we listen, how we speak, how our bodies respond to difference” (1). It is in “listening more carefully to the groans of bodies in communication” that we “can invite new becomings” (1). Placing dysfluency at the center of our analysis of cheap talk denaturalizes ableist assumptions about communication ability and disability (10–11). Rather than a lack of communication ability, dysfluency is a site of “unruly agency” that refuses the terms of compulsory able-bodiedness and info-capitalism (21).
The eradication of dysfluency and difference through various therapeutic-technological means produces fluency and, ultimately, the homogenization of communication. St. Pierre draws on Aimi Hamraie’s distinction between liberal and crip access to highlight and critique the eugenic logic in which access for disabled communicators is made possible by erasing all signs of dysfluency, thus enabling frictionless communication without stuttering, aphasia, slurring, etc. (109–110).1 Liberal access dreams of communication technologies that eliminate the difference that disability makes in communication, thus conforming to ableist norms of communication. By contrast, crip access is a form of “noncompliant knowing-making” that seeks not frictionless communicative encounters but instead the creation of communicative encounters that can allow for the emergence of something else, something unexpected that can question and disrupt the smooth functioning of the ableist values and assumptions of info-technologies (109–110). “Crip ecologies of communication” refuse sterile ableist ecologies in favor of the messiness of being in relation to and efforts to communicate with others (105–107).
Cheap Talk was published in 2022, the same year that OpenAI introduced ChatGPT. As I was reading, I kept thinking about how a crip politics of communication might disrupt all the chatter about this new technology that has flooded the mainstream media and higher education. Everywhere one turns, one finds a talking head either touting the promises or the perils of ChatGPT. St. Pierre offers critical tools for thinking about how one might shift the terms of this discussion. Recall St. Pierre’s definition of cheap talk as communication characterized by its smoothness and speed. Certainly there has been a lot of “cheap talk” about ChatGPT—the rush to be the first to weigh in on this topic and propose strategies for navigating it. It matters little whether the content is “pro” or “con,” cheap talk feeds the machine of info-capitalism. Rather than focus on what talking heads have said about ChatGPT, I wonder about the possibility of building on St. Pierre’s critically crip keyword, cheap talk, to think about something one might call “cheap writing.” How might centering crip writers in our analysis highlight the ableist assumptions informing mainstream discussions of ChatGPT? In what follows, I focus on concerns about “stupidity” and Gloria Anzaldúa’s description of what writing feels like.
Concerns about “stupidity” frequently appear in the cheap talk about ChatGPT. Specifically, some commentators have expressed the worry that ChatGPT will make students more “stupid” because it will erode their ability to write. Others have suggested that such worries are unfounded because the technology itself (and artificial intelligence in general) is “stupid.”2 Importantly, St. Pierre also discusses how concerns about an increasingly “stupid” public inform critiques of cheap talk within an ableist imaginary (14). St. Pierre reflects on how concerns about stupidity inform Dietrich Bonhoeffer’s critique of fascism (101–104):
There are two genealogies of the term “stupidity.” One is eugenic, of course, but the other lineage, from which Bonhoeffer draws, is more complex. Stupidity here describes, not innate characteristics such as a threshold of IQ, but an overtaking force that renders people unwilling to think or judge in the face of emerging events. In this state a person could and perhaps should know better, but does not. The ableist imaginary tends to fold these two definitions together, solving the political-existential problem of un-listening and un-thinking with a eugenic line of flight. It is thus not surprising that other disablist metaphors attach to this problem. Bonhoeffer himself writes that under this influence, people are “blinded” and “reasons fall on deaf ears.” (104)
St. Pierre describes the word “stupidity” as an ableist order-word that obscures the complexity of Bonhoeffer’s critique of the ways that fascism and its “firehose of falsehoods” can overwhelm and ultimately foreclose the possibility of critique (104–105). In the context of ChatGPT, concerns about “stupidity” reflect and reinforce what Jay Dolmage argues are the ableist values at the heart of academic institutions.3 Academic institutions describe themselves as cultivating skills of speaking, reading, and writing—or fluency—that will enhance the flexibility and workplace readiness of students.
How might a crip politics of communication introduce a pause in this way of thinking and talking about ChatGPT? Building on St. Pierre’s analysis, it seems that one way to do that is to show how crip writers flip the ableist script of what abled and disabled writing is in ways that disrupt ableist terms of engagement. Mainstream anxieties about ChatGPT seem to be about whether it will promote or hinder (cheap) writing ability—a decontextualized and disembodied conception in which writing is reduced to efficiency and making the best use of one’s time, as well as the speed with which an idea moves from the brain to the keyboard or pen, the fluency of prose, and adherence to the rules of grammar. Good writing comes from the disembodied mind and, as such, is seamless and without friction of encounters with others. The labor, uncertainty, and messiness of writing has been removed.
I suggest that Gloria Anzaldúa’s description of her writing experience offers an interesting starting point for thinking about the existential and political possibilities of writing, possibilities that are foreclosed by an emphasis on smooth, fast writing. The political, unruly, and transformative potential of writing as a form of communication opens possibilities of other understandings of the self and one’s relation to others. Writing, as Anzaldúa describes it, is relational, transformational, difficult, and never entirely in her control.4 She might begin with a certain idea about what she wants to communicate only to surprise herself by moving in a different direction.5 Anzaldúa’s point is not that this always or inevitably happens with all writing. Similarly, St. Pierre isn’t suggesting that all instances of communication open possibilities for transformation. Transformation is a potential rather than intrinsic feature of communicative encounters. What matters is the possibility of becoming otherwise, a possibility foreclosed by cheap writing and cheap talk.
I suggest that Anzaldúa seems to be describing a crip ecology of writing when she writes,
The toad comes out of its hiding place inside the lobe of my brain. It’s going to happen again. The ghost of the toad that betrayed me—I hold it in my hand. The toad is sipping the strength from my veins, it is sucking my pale heart. I am a dried serpent skin, wind scuttling me across the hard ground, pieces of me scattered all over the countryside. And there in the dark I meet the crippled spider crawling out of the gutter, the day-old newspaper fluttering in the dirty rainwater. . . . Being a writer feels very much like being a Chicana or being queer—a lot of squirming, coming up against all sorts of walls. Or its opposite: nothing defined or definite, a boundless, floating state of limbo where I kick up my heels, brood, percolate, hibernate, and wait for something to happen.6
Far from ableist metaphor, I suggest that Anzaldúa’s reference to the crippled spider places disability at the center of what writing is and can be when it opens a “path/state to something else.”7 Being polished, fluent, and in control might make for straight, white, and cheap writing, but such writing homogenizes by smoothing over differences and forecloses its political, transformational potential for knowing-making the world otherwise. Anzaldúa says that writing, for her, feels “like being a Chicana or being queer.” Perhaps we can interpret the above passage as also a description of what it feels like to be crip—pushing against walls and barriers, calling them into question, waiting, refusing to settle for the ready-made word or world.
Aimi Hamraie, Building Access: Universal Design and the Politics of Disability (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2017), 97, 99.↩
James Bridle, “The Stupidity of AI,” The Guardian, March 16, 2023, https://www.theguardian.com/technology/2023/mar/16/the-stupidity-of-ai-artificial-intelligence-dall-e-chatgpt.↩
Jay Dolmage, Academic Ableism: Disability and Higher Education (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2017).↩
Gloria Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza (San Francisco: Aunt Lute Books, 1987), 71–72.↩
Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La Frontera, 66.↩
Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La Frontera, 72.↩
Anzaldúa, Borderlands/La Frontera, 73.↩
8.20.25 |
Response
Dysfluency Complaint
Joshua St. Pierre’s Cheap Talk has become one of my favorite critical works about the politics, philosophy, and experiences of dysfluent voices and bodies in contemporary life. It’s a weird book, which appeals to my own preferences for incongruent, fragmented, crip, and dysfluent forms and methods for knowledge building. Because I’ve known St. Pierre for over a decade, and because we’ve had so many conversations about our respective work in the field-to-be that Chris Eagle has called “Dysfluency Studies,”1 I have (I trust) an intimate feel for the book’s approach to the politics of communication from the perspective of stuttered speech and its expansive political and relational engagement with the problem of neoliberal compulsory fluency. I want to examine and scrutinize it in close range to understand how it invites other scholars into its engagement with disability, speech, voice, and the politics of communication in the ever-accelerating digital age of talking heads and trolls. Through what kind of crip methodology does St. Pierre invite others into Dysfluency Studies and the Stuttering Pride movement that our respective work has contributed to in recent years?2
St. Pierre worries in the book’s final chapter that “once reduced to a talking head, [a person who stutters] can at best aspire to be a sound bite. What truths can be stuttered in this context?” (116).3 This question is foundational because it speaks to one of the implicit complaints that inform current movements in critical thought about speech, voice, and dysfluencies.4 Once Dysfluency Studies becomes a field of study, what sound bites will it produce, and what kinds of truths about the experiences of dysfluent speech can it introduce? As St. Pierre writes, dysfluent people “exist as deterritorialized bodies of communication (a wobbly federation of tongues, hands, faces, lungs) that must somehow form a talking head that can compete for attention—to not be noise—in an informational field devoid of context” (84–85). These kinds of questions and paradoxes are riddled with potential complaints that always circulate within and around stuttered speech, which notoriously has no agreed-upon biomedical cause or cure. As the wealth of stuttering advocacy online attests, the biomedical understanding of speech dysfluencies overwhelmingly prioritizes cure, acceptance, overcoming, understanding, and sympathy for the millions of people worldwide who stutter. Finding some modicum of fluency often seems a kind of success worth writing about, as evidenced by the rise of stuttering memoirs in the last decade,5 but fluency for people who stutter can only emerge within a model privileged by neoliberal “info-therapeusis” (79). As scholars who stutter, how do we find some kind of success that still privileges the beauty we see in dysfluent speech? What is lost when we find our voices, when we become successful talking heads?
St. Pierre’s one-page Preface opens with “Four notes” that anticipate readerly expectations, especially from readers whose paths come from the biomedical model and its communities. The book takes personal pleasure in the irony of its sprawling 60,000 words about cheap talk; avoids naming its trolls and talking heads; values the critical task of making theory protest its way through rough ground; and refuses to write about solutions and cures for cheap talk in favor of “listening more carefully to the groans of bodies in communication” (xi). In this final note about refusing readers’ desires for fluency and seamless flow of information, St. Pierre directly challenges the medical model of stuttered speech and its promises, but it’s a challenge that also has its implicit complaints. The politics of communication and its demand for smooth flows of information are too ideologically and systemically entrenched. We all desire fluency because the political machinery of communication and information have depoliticized speech and voice. Fluency is comfortable and comforting; dysfluency is aggravating and irritating. Why would anyone want to be dysfluent? What can Dysfluency Studies or Stuttering Pride even achieve when, in most knowledge-building instances, the goal is always fluency in speech, voice, and communication?6 What good can come from Dysfluency Studies if our only hope is the Cynic’s desire to shit in the streets and deface the currency?7
Complaints reveal problems, tensions, and cracks in the institutional order of things, but they don’t always lead to immediate change. They can also be irritating to interlocutors who desire smooth flows and frictionless spaces and temporalities. In the case of the Stuttering Pride movement, which views dysfluent speech not as defect or impediment but as difference and variation, complaints are fraught with challenges. They introduce fault lines, but they also strive for a demand to be heard, for advocacy and policy change. Isn’t this demand for critical fluency also a desire to be heard and understood? How does Dysfluency Studies escape this inevitable irony that the more we advocate for stuttered forms of knowledge and lived experience the more we produce epistemological fluency, knowable truths, and common, shared lived experiences? For St. Pierre, the answer to this question lies in the Cynic’s instructions “on how to navigate, live, and maybe even flourish within a dysfluent future” (139). This quotation comes from the book’s final sentence, and thus reflects a future-oriented hopefulness that is expansive and invitational. Instead of grounding this closing argument explicitly within complaint, St. Pierre refers instead to the voicings of “fearless and creative undoing of the self” (132), among a wide range of other attempts in its four chapters to account for the place of stuttered speech—and dysfluent forms of knowledge—within the rampant cheap talk that characterizes the era of info-capitalism. The problem of stuttered speech concerns the “tenuous control over unruly bodies” (19) that inherently resist, or operate outside of, the smooth flows of information and communication. Despite the book’s call for a fearless and creative undoing of our own desires for fluency, St. Pierre’s methodology and argumentation are steeped in complaint primarily because of its future-oriented and restless critique of info-capitalism’s machinery of smoothness. Complaint is the implicit model and method through which St. Pierre navigates this call for a creative undoing that is probably doomed to failure.
Recently, Sara Ahmed’s Complaint! (2021) has mobilized thinking about the work that complaints do in institutional settings. Complaints need to leave records, Ahmed argues, especially when complainers become pains in the ass for institutions and businesses whose spaces are not universally accessible.8 This is one model of complaint that works effectively for Disability Studies, but I’m also thinking here of Lauren Berlant’s and Avital Ronell’s respective work on complaint.9 In the Preface to Female Complaint (2008), Berlant writes of the personal challenges of writing and the complications that emerge whenever a scholar writes from the autobiographical mode about collective experiences. The autobiographical brings a scholar into a shared intimacy with others, but it also introduces a demarcation between the personal and the social that often introduces a tension. How does a personal complaint reflect broader collective complaints? Closing this gap is challenging intellectual and critical work. Berlant writes on the possibility of an “intimate public,” arguing that such a contradictory thing “flourishes as a porous, affective scene of identification among strangers that promises a certain experience of belonging and provides a complex of consolation, confirmation, discipline, and discussion about how to live.”10 Berlant’s specific topic is the emergence of a “women’s culture” and its promises to female consumers that they are not alone in any number of troubles, problems, or concerns. More specifically, “what gets uttered is a collective story about the personal that is not organized by the singular autobiography.”11 The concept of “women’s culture” introduces a fantasy of a shared intimacy, one commodified in public life. Complaints contain both a rhetoric and an epistemology, the former often expressed through what ought to be, the latter through a depressive realism about how things actually are.12
Ultimately, Berlant writes that complaints tend to function as registers “not merely of a stuckness but of the conditions of bargaining that allow people to maintain both their critical knowledge and their attachments to what disappoints.”13 As I was preparing this response, I was bewildered by the fact that Ronell relies on this same sense of the sheer “stuckness” of living.14 Ronell writes excessively and unapologetically in the first person, arguing that “the complaint offers a glimmer of hope that something might snap into action, awakening a dormant sector in the rhetoric of justice. It shows the capacity to shake the body awake, offering a somatic-phenomenological scan of wronged being, marking those persecuted and subjected consistently to creature discomfort.”15 Albeit unintentional, both Berlant and Ronell seek a model of complaint that resists intellectual stutters (the melancholic repetition of a stuckness in what can and cannot be said) in the pursuit of an alternative methodology of saying and writing.
As a reader with an intimate relationship to St. Pierre’s subject matter, I see these conditions of bargaining everywhere in Cheap Talk, especially in the book’s first-person voice, which appears sporadically throughout the book. St. Pierre writes in the Introduction’s opening sentence, “Communication has always underwhelmed me” (1). This feeling of being underwhelmed informs the book’s initial complaint that “the dream that more information and less noise will produce a better world (a common dream even in progressive circles) is hard to take seriously for those who struggle to not-be-noise on a daily basis” (1). In these opening complaints, St. Pierre’s first-person dysfluent voice haunts the book’s epistemological bargaining. But St. Pierre’s implicit complaints about communication move beyond a “stuckness” in its provocations. I can’t help but see intimations of my own experiences as a person who stutters in strategically placed first-person statements, but these intimations are unsettling and discomforting. They create a shared fantasy of what Marc Shell calls a “stutter culture,” but they also refuse the conventions of disability triumph or overcoming that are so powerful in first-person narratives of stuttered speech.16 In another autobiographical instance in the book, St. Pierre writes about the desire for selective hearing and being a user of noise-canceling headphones in noisy and cacophonous public spaces. St. Pierre laments, “I have also been the noise: the actant canceled by headphones on public transit” (75).
Academic scholarship so frequently demands that we write to its standardized rhetorical strategies and fluencies. We smooth out the problems, the inconsistencies, and the tangents, especially during the editorial process.17 Essentially, our scholarly goals are all too often to become talking heads, but in writing. Cheap Talk does not seek out the reader’s pleasure and understanding as its sole focus. On the contrary, it unsettles readers’ demands for frictionless knowledge acquisition and models crip authorship for writers who stutter. Mara Mills and Rebecca Sanchez observe that the recent movement toward “disability as method”—and especially the concept of “cripistemology” coined by Merri Lisa Johnson and Robert McRuer—emphasizes the different “ways of thinking, knowing, and telling”18 in crip writerly practices. Cheap Talk provides a model for the future of Dysfluency Studies and Stuttering Pride. It’s playful, cheeky, and defiantly noisy in its call for a “way to speak otherwise” (131).
This noisy refusal of smooth flows of information emerges most significantly in St. Pierre’s organization of sections and chapters. Cheap Talk relies on a series of twelve “vignettes” that model the blending of personal, critical, creative, and speculative writing I hope to see in Dysfluency Studies. These vignettes introduce little pockets of scholarship where traditional argumentation and scholarly flow glitch and stutter. They read like little essays that should have been (but thankfully weren’t) cut during the editorial process. Some vignettes introduce strategic asides or tangents about social media, politics, and obscure developments in technology; others dwell in the autobiographical, in one instance about St. Pierre’s experiences with, and complaint about, the SpeechEasy device and eugenically tinged cybernetic “cures” for stuttering (49–50). In the history of print, vignettes demarcate changes in directions, momentary endings, or transitions to new ideas and textual developments.19 Cheap Talk has no actual vignettes, in this traditional book-printing sense, but St. Pierre’s organizing vignettes introduce similar pauses in the book’s flow of information. They appear sporadically as interruptions within chapters that are already broken down into sections and subheadings.
Most provocatively from my perspective as a literary scholar, St. Pierre includes a vignette about Herman Melville’s infamous short story “Bartleby the Scrivener.” Bartleby’s refrain “I would prefer not to” is fitting for the book’s analysis of bodies and voices that disrupt the smooth flows of capital, but it’s also a strange inclusion, a portal into other critical traditions and disciplinary subject matter, a hesitation, a block, an unfinished statement. St. Pierre writes that “Bartleby seems to be the ideal info-worker: meticulous, efficient, not distractible” in the mornings, but becomes “energetic, spilling ink and making noise” (21) in the afternoon. St. Pierre writes that, “despite his machinelike repetition, Bartleby is perhaps the farthest from a ‘straight talker’ one can imagine” (23). Bartleby thus figures as a model of resistance—a “workerist saboteur” (24)—to the biopolitics of speech-language therapy. It is curious that St. Pierre doesn’t address Melville’s more noteworthy representation of stuttered speech in the novella Billy Budd, the Sailor, which has become foundational to literary criticism of speech, voice, and disability.20 But this is the kind of collaborative work that the Bartleby vignette does. It opens up avenues of thought in other disciplines. Bartleby’s refrain offers no complaint. It drones on in its preference not to do what is asked of it, but it contributes to St. Pierre’s implicit dysfluency complaint as a figure of the noisiness of “stuttering parrhesia” that runs throughout the book’s vignettes.
St. Pierre writes that talking heads in our media and communication channels are “always produced within a clearing—of space, of time, of noise, of interrelation.” They always require sterile environments to “maintain the fiction of frictionless and automatic connection” (4). For St. Pierre, such clearings are machinic processes that evacuate frictions, stutters, glitches, and noises. However, Dysfluency Studies has also begun to reimagine this spacetime of the clearing not as a neoliberal communicative strategy of smoothing out all impediments but as an invitation to dwell and live within experiences of non-ableist, stuttered temporalities. Like St. Pierre, Jerome Ellis writes in mixed modes and methods about the autobiographical and collective experiences of dysfluency, subjectivity, and temporality. For Ellis, “clearings” are pockets of blocked time that stuttered speech reveals in our interrelations with others. Glottal blocks create “unpredictable, silent gaps in speech,” but they also “open the present moment” and invite interlocutors into alternative shared temporalities.21 Despite the book’s reliance on a different concept of the clearing, St. Pierre’s vignettes formalize a counter-method to the machinic processes of info-capitalism.
Chris Eagle, “Introduction: Talking Normal,” in Literature, Speech Disorders, and Disability: Talking Normal, ed. Chris Eagle (New York: Routledge, 2014), 4.↩
St. Pierre and I collaborate on a Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (SSHRC) Partnership Development Grant entitled The Stuttering Commons (2023–26). See our project’s website, https://www.stutteringcommons.org/. For more on the Stuttering Pride movement, see the website, https://www.stutteringprideflag.org/. See also Patrick Campbell, Christopher Constantino, and Sam Simpson, eds., Stammering Pride and Prejudice: Difference Not Defect (Daventry: J & R Press, 2019).↩
This statement and question are a subtle joke, I suspect. Almost word-for-word, St. Pierre makes the same statement in the Introduction (7). This repetition/return is stuttering humor, a subtle reminder of the dysfluent circuitousness of critical thought.↩
For more on the emergence of Dysfluency Studies, see Maria Stuart, “Dysfluency Studies: Rewriting Cultural Narratives of Stammering,” in Clinical Cases in Dysfluency Studies, ed. Kurt Eggers and Margaret M. Leahy (London: Routledge, 2023), 85–94.↩
See for example John Hendrickson, Life on Delay: Making Peace with a Stutter (New York: Knopf, 2023); Katherine Preston, Out With It: How Stuttering Helped Me Find My Voice (New York: Atria, 2014); Jonty Claypool, Words Fail Us: In Defense of Disfluency (London: Profile Books, 2021).↩
Think, for example, of how entrenched plain language is in scholarly grant writing. Our academic and scholarly success is always dependent upon our ability to be fluent and persuasive.↩
I am echoing St. Pierre’s claims in the final chapter of Cheap Talk, which situates Dysfluency Studies within the philosophical tradition of Cynics and parrhesia. See St. Pierre, Cheap Talk, 114–39.↩
Sara Ahmed, Complaint! (Durham: Duke University Press, 2021).↩
Lauren Berlant, The Female Complaint: The Unfinished Business of Sentimentality in American Culture (Durham: Duke University Press, 2008); Avital Ronell, Complaint: Grievance Among Friends (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 2018).↩
Berlant, The Female Complaint, viii.↩
Berlant, The Female Complaint, ix–x.↩
Berlant, The Female Complaint, 15.↩
Berlant, The Female Complaint, 22.↩
Ronell, Complaint, 15.↩
Ronell, Complaint, 5.↩
Marc Shell, Stutter (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005), 209.↩
We cut our words to meet word counts or to improve flow of information and argumentation, but sometimes we just can’t do it. My apologies to the editors. I’m horribly over my word count.↩
Mara Mills and Rebecca Sanchez, “Introduction: On Crip Authorship and Disability as Method,” in Crip Authorship: Disability as Method, ed. Mara Mills and Rebecca Sanchez (New York: New York University Press, 2023), 10.↩
In book history, the vignette is traditionally the image of a vine across a blank space on a page that indicates a pause, transition, or turn to a conclusion.↩
See, for example, Chris Eagle, Dysfluencies: On Speech Disorders in Modern Literature (New York: Bloomsbury, 2014), 84–89; James Berger, The Disarticulate: Language, Disability, and the Narratives of Modernity (New York: New York University Press, 2014), 45–51.↩
Jjjjjerome Ellis, “The Clearing: Music, Dysfluency, Blackness, and Time,” Journal of Interdisciplinary Voice Studies 5, no. 2 (2020): 219.↩
Michelle Charette
Response
Poetic Dogs, Sensoria, and Pain
In the novel Fifteen Dogs,1 the Greek gods Apollo and Hermes make a bet. Apollo believes that human intelligence is not a gift, but rather an occasionally useful plague.2 He wagers a year’s servitude that no animal gifted with the human ability to create and use symbols would die happy. Hermes accepts, the gods grant human intelligence to fifteen dogs at a kennel across the street, and the story begins.
The pack remains focused on the same projects they had before: guarding territory, finding food, and determining who should be leader. However, human intelligence leads a large mutt with russet fur named Prince to begin yipping in rhymes. His strange bark does not go unnoticed; it disrupts the sensory boundaries of the pack. Some of the dogs find Prince’s playful barking wonderful, albeit strange. Others strongly dislike his perversions of their tongue.3 Because Prince’s newfound manner of speaking does not serve their projects, he becomes “a constant affront to clarity.”4 By rejecting the traditional bark, growl, or sniff in favor of waxing poetic, Prince defies the juridical contract of his group. One of the lovely quirks of Alexis’s novel is that it is Prince’s evolved tongue which is doggish, and the social etiquette of plain old functional barking that his rhymes fly in the face of.
I begin my engagement of Cheap Talk with Prince because his poetic bark exemplifies the inescapability of leaks and flows across all bodies of knowledge and matter.5 What is more, Prince embodies qualities of the Cynic because, in addition to being a dog, he does not value convention. His bark probes the linkages between power, speech, truth, and connectivity. It is a “leaky friction” (40), not unlike the stutterer whom St. Pierre urges to display “stammering pride” (120). Because Prince’s canine cohort cannot cultivate an agonistic sense of playfulness or “internal dissensus” (128), almost immediately, he leaves the others to be on his own. Prince’s story is bittersweet, but is he the Cynic hero that St. Pierre has in mind?
St. Pierre troubles how therapeutic intervention has come to possess a compulsory and rational mandate (123). In it, he asks, what sort of person wouldn’t want therapy? Fluency is taken for granted as unquestionable good, and thus becomes a condition for the possibility of free speech, the “lifeblood of liberal democracies” (10). In this framework, free speech is only valuable when it is functional or can be monetized.
As I read (and reread) Cheap Talk and thought about my own research, it occurred to me that info-therapeutic activities can offer a kind of short-term emancipation. What is more, refusing them can lead to more suffering. What of the person who lives in excruciating pain (discussed below), and must substitute her grimace with a simple adjective or pain rating so that she might have her prescription renewed? Does the lived experience of suffering ever warrant therapeutic intervention? Where does new habit formation end and body discipline begin? These are sensitive questions. I ask them because the robust agonism that St. Pierre has in mind requires more than just the pact the speaking subject makes with herself in the act of speaking (130). Treating the self and its place within a hierarchy as provisional is no simple feat! This is because fixity and comfort are intuitive, as demonstrated by the members of Prince’s pack. Because agonism and the openness to new sensibilities additionally requires skill acquisition, this is a long-term project. The Cynic form of truth telling might be understood as related to what Ethan Plaut6 calls strategic illiteracy: the purposeful refusal to learn expected communication and technology skills, both on the level of the individual and as a community over time. But the abjuration of a particular activity will never be sufficient for change. If we want to mobilize individuals to listen differently and with more patience, we must engage and tweak dominant communicative practices. What of short-term comfort, or relief?
Prince’s exile testifies to the embodied effort required to live among communicative leaks such that they might become embraced and thereby go unnoticed. Resisting smoothing machines will require sustained embodied effort. These existential territories cannot be carved out by dysfluent speakers alone. Able-bodied speakers will have to cultivate new forms of listening. We ought not underestimate this challenge. While there are political and economic conditions that determine what is leaky and what is not, inflexibility is also phenomenological, a feature of the lived body. Feeling experientially on one’s own, whether in the case of pain or in the case of being misunderstood, might warrant succumbing to convention.
Concrete Sensoria
St. Pierre suggests that as individuals and collectives, we become open to “voices that are unfamiliar or uneasy on the ear” (76). What is required for this openness? As a moral injunction, I am in complete agreement with him. But how? In Fifteen Dogs, Prince’s new bark startles the pack. Some of the dogs dismiss Prince altogether—in their nature exists only two options: “bite Prince into submission or force him into exile.”7 Do human beings share this stubbornness?
There is something about the intelligent dogs’ inflexibility that rings true. Like the fictional pack, human beings are deeply immersed in the material form their projects take. We notice and act on the world in specific ways, not because of our politics, but because of our typical sensory encounters and the habits formed therein. A poetic bark, like the stutter, is ushered to the forefront of perception because it fractures the milieu of social habits: barking plainly, and speaking at a particular pace, respectively. The social milieu is imprinted, as it were, on the sounds we make and notice. For instance, dogs ostensibly have a territorial bark, an attention-seeking bark, a stick-gathering bark, etc. One can imagine how barking in rhymes might serve to distract the pack from their stick-gathering duties. Maybe this is not unlike how sounds of slurping in a Japanese ramen shop might distract the Westerner from finishing her lunch but go completely unnoticed by the locals for whom the sounds are expected.
Dysfluency interrupts. This is not caused by reflection—it is instantaneous. It is not obvious to me how “adventurous listening is mobilized by . . . a counter-eugenic impulse” (76). The “openness” to voices that are uneasy on the ear requires more than just moral and political conviction. Perhaps the upshot of reframing dysfluency in terms of the sensorium, or habit body, is that doing so forces us to consider the need to implement concrete practices that alter but work alongside the materiality of our world. Agonism is inadequate because communicative possibilities emerge beyond politics. Embracing sensory unruliness might always be fraught because the senses, while in relation and malleable, are often experienced as in competition.8
Expressing Pain
In societies of control, successful communication is an operational game. Bodies are dissolved into “an informational schema engaged in a universal struggle against noise” (49). Yet at the same time, leaky communicative patterns that spill over the edge of convention often cause existential fractures between oneself and others.9
Chronic pain is a salient example of an experience that poses considerable challenge to determining how to best “bundle practices of truth telling with info-therapeutic technologies” (123). This challenge is apparent in the arena of virtual care. Canadian health care services are slowly becoming more digitized. Injunctions abound that patients and health care providers become digitally literate to render care more efficient. Here, the system is the panacea. While virtual health care may relieve pressure on the health care system, technological literacy takes embodied effort and time to learn. Also, these systems currently offer an incredibly narrow form of pain expression (ranking pain on a scale from 1–10, no chat features, no interaction). Patients must also have access to a handheld device and must use a platform regularly for their data to become “worth anything.” So, there are costs, financial and otherwise.
Power imbalances are extremely relevant here. The medical system is notorious for protesting the language of the patient. A grimace or an “Ouch!” on its own without an accompanying scan or bruise has never been sufficient for determining credibility. Maybe it should be. Like the stutterer, people living with chronic pain are viewed as needing to prove that they can share a code with other “productive” members of society, and this has led to a disregard for those who cannot.10 The way physicians expect people to communicate their pain (clearly, quickly, efficiently), and the work this entails, is not unlike other forms of body discipline, such as speech language therapy.
However, my research participants who live with daily pain do need better and more frequent care. In Canada, the waiting time in 2019 between referral by a general physician to consultation with a specialist was just over ten weeks. Perhaps digital therapeutics offer a solution. It is too early to tell. While there are still no comprehensive guidelines about what types of conditions should be treated virtually, digital health does increase access to care. Practically, it does not seem advisable nor safe to tell patients to refuse learning how to use the technology in favor of writing in a pain journal that their specialist will never have time to read. In her book on teletherapy, Hannah Zeavin writes that media critical scholars and others panicked about the impact of technology on therapy forget that psychotherapy has always operated through multiple communication technologies. Everything is tele- and we might as well make use of it if it will make us happier.11
It must be clear now that I am not particularly optimistic about undoing medical and technological parochialism. Some forms of fluency are so deeply embedded in daily life that participation in society becomes dangerous without them. Suffering and safety’s sake might occasion the need to lean into becoming digitally fluent, despite the incompleteness this type of care may offer. We must certainly examine our attachments to patterns of communication, and what (or who) they serve. But examining these attachments and changing them seem like two separate projects, the latter long-term. Refusal is not always appropriate. Maybe fluency can be emancipatory.
While the form of the message may often be determined by normative and political agendas, so too is it shaped by embodied, material conditions. The listener and the speaker, the doctor and her patient, Prince and his pack . . . might all these actors have a vested interest in becoming fluent with one another? Alongside the normative question “Who sets the terms of engagement and connection, and why?” we should also be asking, “When is dysfluency too costly?” As Elaine Scarry wrote, in the isolation of pain, “even the most uncompromising advocate of individualism might suddenly prefer a realm populated by companions, however imaginary and safely subordinate.”12
André Alexis, Fifteen Dogs: An Apologue, 1st ed. (Toronto: Coach House Books, 2015).↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 15.↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 153.↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 28.↩
Margrit Shildrick, Leaky Bodies and Boundaries: Feminism, Postmodernism and (Bio)Ethics (Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2015).↩
Ethan Plaut, “Strategic Illiteracies: The Long Game of Technology Refusal and Disconnection,” Communication Theory, September 1, 2022, qtac014, https://doi.org/10.1093/ct/qtac014.↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 29.↩
Michele Ilana Friedner, Sensory Futures: Deafness and Cochlear Implant Infrastructures in India (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2022).↩
Drew Leder, “The Experiential Paradoxes of Pain,” Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 41, no. 5 (October 2016): 444–60, https://doi.org/10.1093/jmp/jhw020, 447.↩
Keith Wailoo, Pain: A Political History (Baltimore, Maryland: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2015).↩
Hannah Zeavin, The Distance Cure: A History of Teletherapy (Cambridge, Massachusetts: The MIT Press, 2021), 4, 220.↩
Elaine Scarry, The Body in Pain: The Making and Unmaking of the World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1987), 11.↩
8.11.25 | Joshua St. Pierre
Reply
Playful Dogs, Sensoria, and Pain
I thank Michelle Charette for the playful response to my playful text. The story painted by Charette of Prince’s dysfluency is so vivid I can’t help but imagine the canine exploits as an additional vignette within Cheap Talk.
But before getting to any moral of this vignette, I am struck by the differing versions the story of Prince can take. For Charette, Prince and company seem to suggest a drama of biologically mandated social psychology, where Prince’s somatic difference signals differentiation from the pack, which, through in-group favoritism, marks him as potentially dangerous and (by necessity?) results in group exclusion. Notably, in this telling, the concept of “nature” occupies a decisive role: “Prince’s new bark startles the pack. Some of the dogs dismiss Prince altogether—in their nature exists only two options: ‘bite Prince into submission or force him into exile.’ Do human beings share this stubbornness?” (emphases mine). The exclusion of dysfluent members of community gets underwritten by a natural, if regrettable, preference for fluency insofar as normative communication facilitates both group cohesion (signaling in-group belonging through aesthetic norms) and group survival (functional clarity of communication).
I agree that the exile of Prince is irreducible to politics. But I want to put another version of the story on the table, one that does not pit materiality against politics so fiercely. My reading is colored by a felt kinship with this sly animal coming into language on its own (often illegible yet immensely pleasurable) terms, but also by the fact that Prince is hardly a tragic figure. Indeed, exiled from community or not, Prince turns out to be, of the fifteen, the only happy dog to lose Apollo the bet.
My wager is that Prince can offer instruction about the political and existential inflections of animal play. Allow me a side-step as I turn to Brian Massumi for theoretical coordinates of this reading. In What Can Animals Teach Us About Politics?, Massumi notes that neo-Darwinian accounts of animal play make playful—”ludic”—gestures subservient to their instrumental function. For example, the play-fighting of dog pups exists to teach them future adaptive skills, in the same manner that human pups play at/in symbolic gestures in order to arrive at later communicative advantage. Massumi will instead suggest that play forms an autonomous domain of life irreducible to adaptive functions:
It is all in the gap between the bite and the nip, moving and gamboling, executing an action and dramatizing it. . . . A ludic gesture in a play fight is not content to be the same as its analogue in combat. It is not so much “like” a combat move as it is combatesque: like in combat, but with a little something different, a little something more. With a surplus: an excess of energy or spirit.1
Play is initiated in the subtle gap between dramatizing and executing an act. For Massumi, what distinguishes the nip from the bite is not just the strength of the bite, but the qualitative difference he calls style: “The ludic gesture is performed with a mischievous air, with an impish exaggeration or misdirection, or on the more nuanced end of the spectrum, a flourish.”2 If, at any point, the play-fighting loses this excess spirit that communicates (or metacommunicates) “this is not a bite,” the act collapses into its analogue function.
Two relevant implications follow. 1) Massumi insists that play necessarily belongs to an aesthetic domain. “The aesthetic yield is the qualitative excess of an act lived purely for its own sake, as a value in itself, over and against any function the act might also fulfill.”3 This is a metric of the “uselessness” of an act insofar as the ludic style holds the analogue (instrumental) function of the act in suspense.4 The aesthetic quality of life interrupts the analogue function of any gesture and thereby “opens the door to improvisation,” which makes play “the arena of activity dedicated to the improvisation of gestural forms, a veritable laboratory of forms of live action.”5
2) If play is an instinctive domain of life dedicated to experimentation with expressive variation (and the metacommunication that entails), it follows for Massumi that play is also an autonomous domain “that is fundamentally insubordinate to the logic of adaptation, even if it may be usefully captured by it under certain circumstances.”6 This makes fluency a mere subset of communication rather than the normative standard. Fluency is serious communication (straight talk aghast at deferred execution) that serves an important function, but is nevertheless prone to claim the entire house as its own.
What, then, if the vignette went something like this?
Drunk and bored one night, Apollo and Hermes make a wager on animal intelligence. Would non-human animals be happy7 if their powers were amplified and altered to match the form of human intelligence? The gods “gift” fifteen dogs these powers, but only the mutt named Prince awakes to symbolic language as a trickster. Prince finds joy in the aesthetic yield of language; puns, poetry, and sonorous amusement are his play; this (dare I say crip) pleasure in non-instrumentality produces the conditions for his demise, as a political order fearful of invention snaps close around a supposedly natural form of life subservient to functional adaptation. Prince is exiled but retains his playful spirit such that Apollo (like Satan in the Biblical tale of Job, when the plan springs a leak) launches a last-ditch effort: he disables Prince with blindness. And as with Satan, Apollo finds himself failed by the truism that happiness rides upon ableism. Play streaks Prince’s final thoughts:
But how wonderful that he—unexceptional though he had been—had been allowed to know [his language] as deeply as he had. He had not explored all of its depths, but he had seen them. And so it occurred to Prince that he had been given a great gift. More: it was a gift that could not be destroyed. Somewhere, within some other being, his beautiful language existed as a possibility, perhaps as a seed. It would flower again.8
A re-articulated relationship between play and functional adaptation can help unweave a fluent story of dysfluency. My reading of Fifteen Dogs that puts animal play at the vibrating center of language and life is hardly definite, but I believe it finds some textual support.
Hermes muses that though Prince was anything but a sure bet, his “wit, his playfulness, was a curious element within him, a glittering depth. It was this, in the end, that the god of thieves had chosen to protect. Prince’s spirit was a kind of quicksilver.”9 More than any disorder wrought in the functional operations of the pack, it is perhaps this playful excess of spirit that most threatens the ringleaders Frick and Frack:
Prince’s witticisms were not the worst of it. Previously, they, like all dogs, had made do with a simple vocabulary of fundamental sounds: bark, howl or snarl. These sounds were acceptable, as were useful innovations, like the word for “water” or the one for “human.” At Prince’s instigation, however, the pack now had words for countless things. (Did any dog really need a word for “dust”?) . . . [H]e had been playing. He had been pretending. He had been speaking for speaking’s sake. Could there be a more despicable use for words?10
If Frick and Frack had reflected upon the metacommunicative structure that play had already introduced into their “simple vocabulary of fundamental sounds,” they might have recognized their aesthetic judgment against Prince for what it was. It takes slavish obedience to the logic of functional adaptation—a form of obedience I would name political—to foment such hatred against acts lived for their own sake, like “speaking for speaking’s sake,” or stuttering for stuttering’s sake.
That is to say, Frick and Frack arguably express a reactionist commitment to a purity of language—natural and original—that binds a likewise pure community. “It wasn’t just that Prince was twisting their clear, noble language, it was that Prince had gone beyond the canine.”11 From here, violence becomes a necessary act: “No true dog could have uttered such tripe. Prince was not worthy of being one of them. In defense of their true nature, someone had to do something” (ibid; emphases mine). I suggest this is less a failure to “cultivate an agonistic sense of playfulness” (Charette)—which situates playfulness as an acquired skill—and more that Frick and Frack declare mutiny against the instinctual domain of play by demanding only clear language, turning life against itself to assert a hegemonic political order.
My hope in retelling this story is to renegotiate the relation between material and political forces that congeal in the formation and reformation of human sensoria. Charette takes the choice between either biting Prince into submission or forcing him into exile to be an expression of inflexible animal truths like “fixity and comfort are intuitive.” However, the choice confronting the pack was not quite so binary. That other dogs in the pack came to an alternative conclusion that Prince “had brought something unexpected and wonderful”12 to their language illuminates play (inventiveness, openness, and variation) as an instinctual and autonomous field that Frick and Frack seek to dominate rather than solicit. This is to say, I agree with Charette that “the form of the message may often be determined by normative and political agendas, [but] so too is it shaped by embodied, material conditions” but only with the amendment that neither field has an original nor exclusive purchase on the development of (human) animal sensoria. The bewildered yet delighted response of some dogs toward communicative variation was just as material, just as embodied as the resentment; and both were shot through with political expectation. The basic coordinates of the social habitus, and its constitutive texture, are established through a dense ecology of force (material and semiotic) that are thrown into relief by unruly bodyminds.
Let me step back. The worry for Charette (as I understand) is that human sensoria are governed by relatively inflexible biosocial realities. “We notice and act on the world in specific ways, not because of our politics, but because of our typical sensory encounters and the habits formed therein.” While we may wish that people would have more time and generosity for weird, dysfluent vocalizations, the field of listening is too rigid and too determined by the demands of material conditions to expect ableist collective listening habits to shift with anything but a long-term social project. If dysfluency studies has little to offer individuals in the interim, therapeutic technologies shore up this deficit with necessary short-term relief from suffering and pain. However, the equation changes when a) we acknowledge that perception can only arrive at conscious experience highly processed by a multitude of factors and also b) affirm that dysfluency studies indeed has much to offer imminently.
Pain is a sticking point. “Is the lived experience of suffering ever warrant[s] therapeutic intervention?” My answer is yes! Therapy is a right not a duty, and in agreement with Eli Clare, “we need neither a wholehearted acceptance nor an outright rejection of cure, but rather a broad-based grappling.”13 I live with chronic pain, sometimes aggravated by stuttering, and, like many crips, use pharmaceutical therapies. The more pressing question concerns the way in which our mode of engagement with such technologies either invests or divests in a curative imagination. I am compelled by Kelly Fritsch and Aimi Hamraie who suggest relating to accessibility technologies in a mode of friction:
While historically central to the fights for disability access, crip technoscience is nevertheless committed to pushing beyond liberal and assimilation based approaches to accessibility, which emphasize inclusion in mainstream society, to pursue access as friction, particularly paying attention to access-making as disabled peoples’ acts of non-compliance and protest.14
Articulated within a crip politic that is wary both of liberal promises of belonging through assimilation, and of technocratic promises of the cure “just around the corner,”15 frictive and non-compliant actions are simultaneously a “no” and “yes.” The refusal of straight speech is not just an interruption, “a sacred No;”16 it is more fully an invitation to inhabit other modes of being and prefigure another, more accessible, world. At the heart of Cheap Talk is an invitation to build worlds using crip materials, tools, and processes.
Much turns upon whether we can first imagine, let alone affirm, dysfluency as a positive modality of life that offers a generative and immanent critique. I hope fluent folk feel welcome to join us in these projects, but I should note that they are necessarily staged in the mud of crip linguistic gestures. The sticky mud with unexpected accidents is the laboratory where stuttering happens for its own sake, a milieu where we get to share in the pleasure of speaking and cultivate (among other things) new and empowering modes of relating to one another. As I noted near the end of Cheap Talk, it is likely that dysfluent communities will always need fluent allies to help advocate for us and navigate ableist terrain. Likewise, when possible, the strategic use of fluency by dysfluent folk is certainly a legitimate strategy to survive in an ableist society.
And yet, the risk of investing much hope or energy into fluency is significant: the erosion of the communicative soil with the capacity to support the “pluripotential” development of Crip forms of life and Crip worlds.17 The risk is that justice for dysfluent folk is still deferred “just around the corner” with an endless parade of reasons for the delay. “We must certainly examine our attachments to patterns of communication,” writes Charette, “and what (or who) they serve. But examining these attachments and changing them seem like two separate projects, the latter long-term. Refusal is not always appropriate. Maybe fluency can be emancipatory.” It is not clear to me why transforming individual and collective habits of communication can only be expected in the Other World when prefigurative politics enacts the future we want by how we live and experiment with it right now. Sure, social and governmental infrastructure would be helpful to shift ableist listening habits, but there’s no point waiting around. And though refusing the refusal of fluency is an available choice for some, many cannot help but be dysfluent (whether in writing or speaking or both). For many of us dysfluent folk, coming clean and getting straight with speech is never going to be an option.
In conclusion, I want to circle back to a dangerous tendency that flows from neo-Darwinian accounts of the human speaking animal (which I argue both Alexis and Charette reproduce at various points in their arguments). The tendency is that of misplaced concreteness, of treating an emergent process (like rational human speech) as a preset and necessary thing. “The listener and the speaker, the doctor and her patient, Prince and his pack . . . might all these actors have a vested interest in becoming fluent with one another?” I take “becoming fluent” to be a stand-in for “communicating well,” and wonder what ethicopolitical constellations have been foreclosed in this elision that concedes so much territory to the all-too-serious power of clarity.
Brian Massumi, What Can Animals Teach Us About Politics? (Durham: Duke University Press, 2014), 9.↩
Massumi, What Can Animals, 9.↩
Massumi, What Can Animals, 10.↩
Massumi, What Can Animals, 11.↩
Massumi, What Can Animals, 12, emphasis in original.↩
Massumi, What Can Animals, 13.↩
Who just entered the chat? Aristotle? Epicurus? Mill? Nietzsche?↩
André Alexis, Fifteen Dogs: An Apologue, 1st ed. (Toronto: Coach House Books, 2015), 159.↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 138.↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 16.↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 17.↩
Alexis, Fifteen Dogs, 16.↩
Eli Clare, Brilliant Imperfection: Grappling with Cure (Durham: Duke University Press, 2017), 14.↩
Kelly Fritsch and Aimi Hamraie, “Crip Technoscience Manifesto,” Catalyst 5, no. 1 (2019): 10.↩
Clare, Brilliant Imperfection, 86.↩
Friedrich Nietzsche, Thus Spoke Zarathustra: A Book for All and None (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 17.↩
William Connolly, A World of Becoming (Durham: Duke University Press, 2010), 38.↩