Symposium Introduction

A Christian ethics primer is a challenging genre, as nearly every response in this symposium notes. It attempts to not only introduce central concepts, thinkers, and schools of thought (not to mention practices and case studies), but also to narrate their various relationships to each other and, hopefully, chart some kind of way forward. It also faces the perennial question of sources and method—how to weigh, relate, and judge between Scripture, human experience, church tradition, and other ways of knowing. The Christian tradition is received by scholars and practitioners as theory and practice, as proclamation and obligation, as a school of thought and a school of the affections. Narrating something of this ancient and global tradition, relating these various sources, and guiding a student through the landscape is a daunting task.

Luke Bretherton’s A Primer in Christian Ethics: Christ and the Struggle to Live Well takes up this challenge with both humility and courage. A product of decades of teaching Christian ethics, the primer addresses not only the requirements of an introductory course but the needs and concerns of Christians discerning faithful living under diverse social and political circumstances. It refuses the division of moral and political theology, integrates sources of Christian ethics that others leave isolated in their specific traditions, and gives an account of the moral life that encompasses non-human life and resists an anthropocentric frame.

I have seen firsthand the way students respond to the primer, as it served as the primary text in multiple introductory Christian ethics courses at Duke Divinity School. Students do not meet important thinkers and central concepts from within a strict chronological history of Christian ethics or separated by schools of thought, instead encountering them along the way to answering and asking the kinds of questions that shape their actual lives. They discover that they are hungry, often, for “theology with the people in it” (9). They also chafe at some of the central features of the text, either countering Bretherton’s insistence that some rules and regulations are necessary for a faithful life or bemoaning that he fails to provide enough of them! The book frustrates some questions and leaves many unanswered. But it also sparks imagination, and exerts pressure against certain moral and political options and in favor of others, even as it resists the impulse toward neat and tidy prescriptions. Perhaps most helpfully confounding to many students, A Primer in Christian Ethics stands against an academic mood that confuses pessimism for rigor, all while insisting that fallen and finite creatures need great humility when approaching moral judgment.

This symposium furthers the central questions underlying the work, poking at some conclusions and pulling on some (perhaps intentionally) loose threads. Many respondents press the question of audience and context. Given the decline of theological education, who is such a primer for? Is political solidarity with the poor and oppressed necessary for making sound ethical judgments—and if so, how can theological education create the conditions for that solidarity? Similarly, many responses interact with the primer’s choices about sources and their relationship. An introductory text must inevitably make decisions about what thinkers and ideas to include, exclude, emphasize, and deemphasize—and the respondents ask about those decisions and their implications.

Emily Dumler-Winckler begins the symposium by asking foundational questions about the meaning and nature of this kind of text: What is a primer? Why write one now? What should it do? She also explores the sources shaping the primer, asking about the scope of sources and the narrative shape the Primer gives them. This is especially true when it comes to Bretherton’s framing of “modernity,”: Dumler-Winckler asks how that designation shapes students’ approach to the varied thinkers and ideas included or excluded from the modern canon.

Cristina Traina fleshes out other dimensions of the question of context and audience, noting the way that Duke Divinity School shapes Bretherton’s approach in both the guiding theological influences and the assumed audience of the text. Traina argues that Bretherton’s emphasis on interspecies flourishing can blur the meaningful line between agency and distinctly moral agency—and asks how a “metabolic” understanding of moral agency can retain a sense of moral responsibility. She also presses how this metaphor works differently for the privileged or powerful engaging with “accursed” institutions and for humans with less agency than graduate students at an elite university.

Gregory Lee focuses a majority of his response on a different distinctive of the primer: the synthesis of moral and political theology. Lee questions Bretherton’s distinction between “politics” and violence or coercion, asking if politics is possible without some degree of coercion, and how humans can live and work within coercive institutions without being disciplined into a mode of domination themselves. Lee also furthers the questions about audience and context, asking if theological education in its current form can nurture the kind of virtue and humility necessary for doing ethics in the way Bretherton proposes.

Andrew Prevot inquires in a similar direction, appreciating Bretherton’s emphasis on listening to the oppressed, but asking whether material solidarity with the oppressed is necessary for that listening. What practices or habits are required for this listening? And, perhaps most crucially, if the privileged addressees of the primer are rightly exhorted to listen to the poor and oppressed, what does that say about who is in a position to make the most faithful moral judgments?

Finally, Daniel Hill addresses another of the primer’s distinct contributions: the centrality of nonhuman relations to Christian ethics. Hill articulates the challenges of this reframing: the epistemological challenge, the competitiveness of creaturely flourishing, and the limitations of “flourishing” as a category in a world full of death and destruction. Hill argues that rather than widening out the lens of an anthropocentric account of Christian ethics, we need a Christological anthropology that can make sense of what human goodness means when our model is the Christ, the suffering servant.

Emily Dumler-Winckler

Response

A Primer in Christian Ethics: Why, What, How?

Luke Bretherton’s On Living Well: A Primer in Christian Ethics is a constructive and highly original work, which introduces students to central questions, issues, tasks, and themes in the fields of Christian ethics and political theology. The book seamlessly draws together various strands of Christian ethics and theology often thought to be at odds, showing that living well is intimately bound up with listening, acting, and relating to others well amid difficulty and even tragedy. As Bretherton notes in the introduction, the book is the product of having taught introductory Christian ethics courses for over twenty years on both sides of the Atlantic as well as his wealth of experience working with churches and community organizations.

My first experience teaching an introductory course in Christian ethics was as a preceptor for Eric Gregory’s course at Princeton University in which he assigned Stanley Hauerwas’s primer in Christian ethics, The Peaceable Kingdom (1991). Perhaps for this reason, I found myself comparing Bretherton’s primer with Hauerwas’s. The two primers share many similar themes from the role of scripture, tradition, virtue, character, laws, commands, rules, practical wisdom, sin, and tragedy in Christian ethics, to the centrality of Jesus’s life and teaching. But they are also distinct in several important ways. Hauerwas famously emphasizes Christian identity and narratives (the church vs. world) in the formation of ethical character. Bretherton’s central questions, which frame the three main parts—“What is going on? What is to be done? How shall we live?”—conclude with an emphasis on plurality as well as secular and democratic politics as moral theological commitments. Other distinctives of the book include its synthesis of moral and political theology, its effort to put traditional sources of Christian ethical thought in conversation with liberationists and critical voices, and the centrality of the non-human natural world for Christian ethics (4). In short, the scope, depth, and thematic emphases distinguish this primer from Hauerwas’s among others.

At a time when conversations in Christian ethics and political theology are often polarized and polarizing, this text exemplifies alternative ways to think and talk about contemporary challenges in light of the Christian tradition. The questions that follow invite reflections from Bretherton in three related areas: Why this primer now? What ought a primer do? And how might we help students to navigate the landscape of “modern” philosophy, theology, and ethics?

Why this primer now?

In the introduction, Bretherton addresses several key questions including “Why a Primer? And Why This Primer?” and “What is Christian Ethics?” So, I invite him to reflect on related questions that are pressing for the field today. Why this primer now, given institutional and programmatic constraints for the field of Christian ethics?

As Bretherton well knows, liberal arts colleges, universities, seminaries, and divinity schools have begun to cast Christian ethics as an elective of graduate education or the occasional ambitious undergraduate student.1 Religion and theology majors are waning in secular and Christian universities alike. Even Catholic universities (like my own) are following the trends of their Protestant counterparts over a century ago: overhauling core curricula, making introductory courses in theology and Christian ethics negligible or outsourcing them to seminaries, divinity schools, or theological institutes. Gregory’s packed lecture hall at Princeton is the exception.

Why, then, write a primer in Christian ethics in such a time, and for whom? Is the aim to resuscitate conversations and resource classes in Christian ethics or to contribute to wider conversations in religious ethics, or both? Is the hope to reinvigorate the field of Christian ethics at the undergraduate or graduate levels, or both?

What might a Primer in Christian Ethics Do?

As Bretherton states from the outset, the book does not merely introduce central debates or themes in Christian Ethics, but also makes constructive arguments: “like any good guide, it narrates a landscape while at the same time charting a specific path” (5). I wonder how Bretherton thought about and navigated this tension throughout. The path he charts is laudable: emphasizing the importance of listening carefully to creation, scripture, strangers, cries for liberation, and ancestors (Chs. 2–6). And yet I have questions about the landscape and path or paths.

Might a primer introduce students to the landscape of specific debates in the field, and if so, how? Bretherton notes the reality of conflict within Christian communities and emphasizes the importance of debate, deliberation, and discernment in Christian ethics, but the book does not introduce students to the landscape or chart a path through many of the central debates that persist among Christian ethicists (or moral and political theologians) today—whether gender, sexuality, abortion, women’s ordination, just war, pacifism, vegan or vegetarian food ethics, etc. (3). To be fair, Bretherton might respond that his emphasis on the call to listen to specific human communities (strangers, ancestors, and those who cry for liberation) and non-human creation suggests certain paths through various thorny thickets. And he acknowledges that the book, like a good pedagogue, may inspire more questions than it resolves. But I wonder how Bretherton wrestled with whether the book might serve as a guide to or though these debates, explaining why they have come to be contentious or how Christian ethicists in various ecclesial traditions navigate these differences.

In this light, I invite Bretherton to share more about what he wanted this primer to be and do: how and why did he choose to orient readers to particular features of the landscape and not others, to guide readers through specific aspects of the “the meaning and practices of a moral life” and not others. Of course, as Bretherton notes, a primer is “a first word” not a last or comprehensive word (5). Still, I wonder how he determined which constructive arguments he would and would not make.

Again, granting that a primer cannot “speak to every contemporary issue or ethical concern” nor “cover every figure mentioned or question raised with the depth they invite,” I wonder how Bretherton thinks about the role of a primer in orienting students to the landscape of the wider and interrelated fields of Christian ethics (5). This is, in part, a question about how to introduce students not just to various themes, but also to thinkers that have and continue to shape the landscape of the field today.

The range of thinkers and texts highlighted throughout the book suggests that Bretherton is attuned to the politics of citation, in the best sense, bringing an array of historical and contemporary Christian ethicists, theologians, and philosophers into a shared conversation about living well. Indeed, the text exemplifies the very practice of “listening well” that it commends as a practice to readers. The range of reference especially with respect to black Christian ethicists and theologians is notable, featuring the essential contributions of scholars such as Katie Cannon, James Cone, emilie townes, Shawn Copeland, Willie James Jennings, Cornel West, Cheryl Townsend Gilkes, Vincent Lloyd, Melanie Harris, and Thelathia Nikki Young. So too, a student perusing the index would find references to a range of contemporary secular philosophers like Kate Mann, Danielle Allen, Miranda Fricker, Lisa Tessman, and Joan Tronto, and queer theologians and theorists from Marcella Althaus-Reid to Eve Sedgwick and Judith Butler.

And precisely because of this range, I found it somewhat surprising that major thinkers and texts are not mentioned or cited where it would seem fitting to do so, not just to credit their contributions but also to introduce students to recent conversations and thinkers in the field. Again, the point is not comprehensiveness or maximal inclusion, but rather to orient students to the landscape by introducing them to important contributions to the field: Keri Day on Azusa, Melissa Snarr on labor and the living wage movement, Gary Dorrien on histories of Christian social ethics, Rebecca Todd Peters on reproductive justice, Jeffrey Stout on democracy and tradition, Willis Jenkins on environmental ethics, etc. In an earlier draft of the book, I found it striking that there was no mention of Stanley Hauerwas or Alasdair MacIntyre in the chapter on virtue ethics. My concern is not that such an elision would fail to acknowledge their contributions to Christian and virtue ethics broadly, but that it would fail to orient students to thinkers and conversations that continue to shape the field today, indeed, conversations that make the contributions of those featured in the book, like Katie Cannon, Melanie Harris, and Lisa Tessman, all the more important. How did Bretherton, how should we, think about these questions of citation as we help students navigate the landscape, introduce students to conversations, in the field?

How might we narrate and help students navigate “modern” philosophy, theology, and ethics?

Antipathy toward modernity has become prevalent among those who romanticize the pre-modern era as well those who recognize the horrors of modernity and hope for a post-modern, de-colonial, anti-racist future. I tend to sympathize with the latter and be suspicious of the former. Many scholars over the past few decades, including myself, have argued that grand narratives of modern decline, which look somewhat wistfully to the pre-modern era, are inadequate, oversimplified, and depend on an overly narrow canon of modern thinkers. Modernity has many horrors and tragedies of its own devising, but the pre-modern era is no less replete with its own forms of domination, exploitation, and horror. Moreover, modernity is not one thing but many things.

I trust Bretherton is familiar with efforts to expand so-called modern canons and thereby tell more nuanced stories about the mixed bag of modernity. For this reason, I found it curious that many chapters repeat various of the narratives of modern demise or of “dominant modern stories” (29, 114). I wondered why Bretherton found it pedagogically useful to do so. In the book, the term “modern” is typically used to describe some negative or undesirable development, whether in conceptions of nature, culture, and sin, or science, medicine, moral philosophy, human rights, and economics (29–32, 122, 144, 159–160, 279). Admitting that primers must paint with some broad strokes, what might be gained or lost by painting modernity in such broad strokes, particularly when introducing students to the relevant literatures and debates? Consider a few examples.

In the second chapter, Bretherton is critical of modern moral philosophy broadly and specifically modern conceptions of nature and culture and anthropocentric forms of environmental ethics. According to this narrative, modernity entails a shift from a conception of culture as cultivating to dominating nature, from cosmology to a materialist and mechanistic view of the universe, and from supernaturalism and ethics based in natural law to philosophical naturalism (29–31). Surely, there’s some truth to this story. But alone, I worry that it conceals the ways that natural law frameworks persist in modernity, as well as the reasons why many feminist and queer ethicists have rejected the conceptions of nature supported by these frameworks. Moreover, this narrative conceals the wide array of resources within modern moral philosophy, Christian ethics, and environmental ethics, for doing precisely what Bretherton commends, namely for “imagining and narrating… how the material conditions of human flourishing are interwoven with those of nonhuman flourishing” (33). Why not also narrate the streams of thought—from indigenous spiritualities or the Romantics and Transcendentalists to contemporary environmental ethicists—that provide resources for the non-anthropocentric “metabolic vision of moral and political agency” that Bretherton commends (32)?

Likewise, Bretherton rightly laments the ways that “modern medicine constitutively reduces the body to biology” and “modern medical knowledge” tends to discredit prior, inherited, and experiential knowledge, for instance, that held by women and midwives about pregnancy and birthing (95). Still, this narrative seems to elide important gains in modern medicine including its contribution to dramatically reducing the maternal mortality rate since the eighteenth century. Why not celebrate the knowledge and wisdom gained by modern medicine and practices of midwifery, while refusing the elitism of the former?

As a final example, in chapter six “Listening to the Ancestors,” Bretherton narrates the ways that “modern moral philosophy claimed to free itself from tradition, particularly religious tradition” believing that “ethical injunctions needed to be universal and impartial” (113). By “modern moral philosophy” Bretherton has in mind the framework of Enlightenment thinkers like Descartes, Hobbes, Spinoza, Locke, and Kant, which he claims became and remains the “dominant framework for thinking about moral questions” (115). This framework is “exemplified in human rights discourse, which begins from the assumption that human rights are universal, derived from reason alone, and provide a means of critiquing other kinds of moral and political claims” (114). As ever, there is some truth to this story—one that’s been reiterated by many narratives of modern decline.

But why let this small canon stand in for “modern moral philosophy” or even “the Enlightenment” when there are other significant strands of modern moral philosophy one could highlight for students, from figures in the so-called “radical Enlightenment” or religious dissenters who understood themselves as participating in “traditions of dissent,” to Scottish Enlightenment figures who emphasized the role of affect and emotion for ethical reasoning, or those who radicalized traditions of the virtues and rights in modernity? Moreover, as Brian Tierney convincingly argues, the idea of natural and human rights has much deeper historical and theological roots than Locke, Hobbes, Pufendorf, Grotius, and Ockham, among medieval Franciscans and Canonists.2 Indeed, the idea of subjective human rights (whether particular or universal) can be traced to twelfth-century theological arguments about justice and poverty. These histories suggest slightly different narratives and highlight different features of the landscape of modern moral philosophy, theology, ethics, and rights discourse.

These three questions are not meant to diminish the extraordinary contribution of Bretherton’s to the field of Christian and religious ethics more broadly, as guide, devotional resource, and catalyst to provoke reflection and engagement with ethical questions (5). Rather, I hope my questions provoke further conversations about why the field needs this primer now, what a primer in Christian ethics should do, and how we should introduce students to the hazards and resources of modernity for Christian ethics today.


  1. See the 2020 Society of Christian Ethics Committee Report https://scethics.org/sites/default/files/SCE%202020%20Report%20Final_1.pdf.

  2. Brian Tierney, The Idea of Natural Rights: Studies on Natural Rights, Natural Law, and Church Law, 1150–1625 (Eerdmans, 2001). Emily Dumler-Winckler, Modern Virtue: Mary Wollstonecraft and a Tradition of Dissent (Oxford University Press, 2022), 181, 204–205.

  • Luke Bretherton

    Reply

    A Reply to Emily Dumler-Winckler

    I am enormously grateful to Emily Dumler-Winckler for her insightful and agitational set of questions and for her critical contributions to an earlier, unpublished version of the book. I will follow her lead and take each of the questions she poses as an occasion for further reflection.

    Why this primer now?

    The question behind Dumler-Winckler’s initial question seems to be: why write an introduction to a field that is disappearing before our eyes? I take this to be an institutional and sociological question rather than a philosophical, theological, or moral one. And as such, it is a question focused on the state of Christian ethics in North American higher education. Ted Smith’s recent book The End of Theological Education is an excellent guide to this changing context. My Primer is one attempt to articulate a vision of Christian ethics that speaks to the affordances and changed environment that Smith identifies as shaping the terrain on which theological education must now pitch its tent.

    In speaking to this context, and to my friends and colleagues in the guild of Christian ethicists, the Primer is also an act of testimony. To offer testimony is a way we become answerable for what we see and hear by making sense of and narrating it to others. In doing so, we make ourselves accountable. The Primer is a way of making myself accountable for what I take Christian ethics to be at a time when what it means to do something called Christian ethics is changing.

    As a form of testimony, the Primer offers a declaration of belief. It is a statement of faith that Christian ethics can and should be done despite the polarization, self-doubt, institutional deracination, and ideological inhibitions that erode our capacity to do the work set before us. Like Augustine’s Confessions or a tent revival testimonial, its testimony points beyond itself and the conditions under which it was produced, challenging others to see things in a new way. Moreover, as testimony, the Primer is not first and foremost an academic text. Rather, it offers a therapy for the ways we live. Yet as a form of testimony, the Primer is not an apology for Christian ethics (a different genre altogether). I seek neither to justify nor to defend Christian ethics. Instead, the Primer offers a portrait of Christian ethics that invites further reflection.

    But like all forms of testimony, the Primer is also a kind of confession. It is a way of telling the truth of the matter while also recognizing that any such declaration should be an act of penitence, as it is bound up with identifying what is wrong with the world and with the field. In a confession, a truth claim is stated, but that claim is not simply an articulation of what is going on. It is also a statement about our sins as well as a plea for a way of life unmarked by sin.

    But the setting of formal theological education and the academic field of Christian ethics is neither the only nor the primary audience for this testimony. I sometimes joke that the Primer is meant to be an alternative for Christians turning to Jordan Peterson as their guide to the moral life. The existing institutional configuration for Christian ethics as an academic field may well be crumbling. But that does not mean there is less moral and political guidance that identifies itself as Christian (whether confessionally or culturally). There is a glut of guides to the moral life being published from a wide variety of religious and philosophical standpoints. Alongside these are the flood of podcasts on themes and questions central to Christian ethics, small batch magazines with long form articles examining moral and political questions from a theological perspective, and social media influencers telling others how to live well. The sites, modes, and manner of its social reproduction are changing but the task of doing Christian ethics remains. Academically trained Christian ethicists employed by universities are being dethroned even as their place is being filled by all sorts, ranging from the good, the bad, to the politically ugly. My Primer tries to address this context.

    In speaking to the changing conditions and possibilities for doing Christian ethics the Primer is also an attempt to articulate a way of doing Christian ethics that draws on academic formations and debates but is not over-determined by them. That is why it does not dwell on highly technical debates or constantly name check diverse, often obscure figures. Some of this work is in the endnotes. However, much is “behind” the text, informing it, and shaping my own thinking.

    What ought a primer in Christian ethics do?

    I take the core task of a primer to be introducing readers to modes of reasoning, habits of thought, conceptual frameworks, and ways of naming through which to faithfully, hopefully, and lovingly describe and determine how to act within the world with and for others. As the first part of the book sets out, we cannot act in a world we cannot describe, and Christian ethics offers modes of moral description which in turn open the possibility for specific kinds of moral and political action. Learning how to describe and thence act and the movement between reflection, action, and the cultivation of shared forms of life should be the focus of a book of this nature.

    Part of learning how to reflect well on moral questions entails becoming better at spotting and diagnosing poor, parodic, and pathological forms of “ethical” judgment. A primer should aid such growth by providing means of inoculating readers against various bad ways of trying to generate moral description and shared action. A good example of a prevalent pathological approach is the reduction of moral reflection to ideological check-listing whereby what is ethical becomes what conforms to an incoherent bundle of supposedly moral (read: reactionary or progressive) positions (e.g., pro-life, pro-guns, anti-migrants vs. pro-abortion, pro-migration, anti-guns). Such check-listing is a mode of ideological rather than moral deliberation.

    With its focus on cultivating means of describing and deliberating well about moral and political questions in a way that generates movement to shared action the book does not address hot button issues. Nor does it constitute a survey of academic debates or schools of thought. One or both are the focus of introductions to the academic pursuit of Christian ethics. But that is not what a primer should do. Neither a focus on topical issues nor a survey of schools of thought aid the task of moral deliberation with others about how to live well.

    Instead, the focus of this primer is on the nature of moral and political life as such and, alongside describing its material and social conditions, it points to how to go about excavating the meaning, purpose, and character of moral and political relations. In doing so, the book also questions fundamental aspects of how our moral and political order is constituted while at the same time imagining different, generative possibilities for life together.

    Those issues and approaches that are engaged in the book serve its core purpose and constitute case studies rather than an itemized list of things-that-must-be-addressed-today-if-one-is-to-be-considered-morally-serious. The topical questions addressed are discussed because they draw out and illustrate more fundamental questions about how to become rightly orientated and attuned to discovering with others how to reflect and act in ways that generate more just and generous forms of common life.

    The same criteria apply to the selection of interlocutors. Dumler-Winckler outlines a very Princeton orientated list of figures I don’t engage, one that reflects her formation and set of concerns. I say this to highlight how there is always a large degree of contingency about who or what is cited. No one can be comprehensive. That said, there is a logic at work in my choices, one determined by the focus and nature of the book. As with schools of thought and topical issues, the figures selected bring into view and help situate what I take to be crucial insights or concepts vital to the task of deliberating and acting well in the light of God’s self-revelation given in Christ.

    How might we narrate and help students navigate “modern” philosophy, theology, and ethics?

    The question of how to make moral and political sense of what it means to be modern alongside the question of how to make theological sense of the place of Christianity in modernity are ones that are central to and lie behind a broad swathe of contemporary theological work. For example, these questions echo through work associated with radical orthodoxy, postliberalism, liberation theologies of various descriptions, and decolonial theology. At the risk of being reductive, two basic stories shape theological responses to modernity as a moral, political, and theological problematic.

    The first is a story of ascent whereby through modernization (which includes modern medicine, human rights and those other aspects of modern life Dumler-Winckler holds up) we become rational, autonomous, and enlightened beings able to enter into emancipated ways of life. The second story is one whereby becoming modern involves the tragic loss of the ties that bind us, whether to each other, to the land, or to our traditions. In this story modernity does not make us free. Instead, individualism and moral relativism are its characteristic fruit. The modern, supposedly liberated, self is left without direction or purpose and utterly naked and alone before the power of the state and capital. To change this situation and thereby be renewed morally, spiritually, and politically entails recovering our connection to each other, to the soil, and to our ancestors. The church and Christianity show up differently according to which story is being told. There are progressive and reactionary versions of both of these stories. But neither is a Christian story.

    In the book I resist telling a story of either decline from a Golden Age or one of ascent and progress. Instead, I try to be properly historical; that is, the book attends to how things getter better and worse, often in paradoxical ways. It also resists telling a messianic story about how one single approach, school of thought, or subject of history/set of experiences is the answer to everything. In place of these kinds of ideological narratives, the book tells a story of what it means to try to live well in the saeculum: the ambiguous, fissured, conflict ridden time before Christ’s return. This is a story about how, as an arena of discourse about the meaning and purpose of human life, Christian ethics involves both continuity and change as the church draws on its inheritances to respond to different contexts while innovating new ideas and practices in the face of emerging challenges. The book also avoids setting up either false dichotomies or operating with binary, either/or thinking. While it wrestles with various contradictions, it refuses Manichean stories of goodies and baddies where all the wrong is on one side. Instead, it attends to what it means to think and act in a complex world where, no matter who you are or your subject position, everyone is frail, fallen, and finite.

    In thinking historically and theologically, the book also refuses a sociological distinction adopted by many theologians as if it were a theological one; namely, the distinction between tradition and modernity. This division is exemplified in the work of foundational figures of European sociology; namely, Ferdinand Tönnies’ distinction between Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft; Emile Durkheim’s distinction between mechanical and organic solidarity, the former associated with traditional societies, the latter with modern ones; and Max Weber’s distinction between traditional and capitalist societies. This temporal-social division is also exemplified in the “secularization thesis” which assumes a move from medieval sacrality to modern secularity, with an inherent incompatibility between what it means to be modern and what it means to be religious, with religion understood as a form of traditional relation.

    On such accounts, community is understood as either a static or inherited social formation that is subject to inevitable dissolution through processes of modernization such as industrialization and urbanization. By and large this division is assumed to be oppositional and characterizes different kinds of social relations, which are then indexed in moral terms. For example, traditional relations are seen as good by some theologians in contrast to modern ones, which are seen as inherently atomized and alienated. For other theologians and Christian ethicists, traditional relations are of the past and thereby judged reactionary or oppressive (they are necessarily and constitutively patriarchal, racist, heteronormative etc.), and so need to be abolished or transformed.

    The division between tradition and modernity is not a theological distinction. All forms of solidarity are prone to domination and idolatry. No one form is intrinsically better than another. And every solidarity is at the same time a mode of exclusion. Just and compassionate forms of life together and common objects of love in the earthly city must always be discovered through processes of conflict and conciliation that transect competing solidarities and loyalties. If this process of discovery is to be faithful, it entails humility and rendering ourselves vulnerable to God and neighbor. The crucifixion is the condition and possibility of our conversion and movement into more just and loving kinds of relationship with God and neighbor. Yet this conversion demands that we orient ourselves in a particular way to living in time and the experience of flux, change, and transition that is constitutive of being temporal creatures. Becoming “church” in any period of history is about discovering, with these people, in this place at this time, how communion amid our differences might be experienced and embraced through shared social and spiritual struggle. If the Spirit makes Christ present in all periods of history, albeit in different ways, then every historical era is a field of wheat and tares in which the work of Christ and the Spirit must be discerned and discovered. The modern is no less a field of wheat and tares than say Aquinas’s historical moment, and every historical epoch is graced and disgraced. Teaching this kind of theological temporality is a vital task in the contemporary moment when very bad philosophies of history are shaping political commitments on left and right.

    That said, modernity (or however one wants to name this period) is the terrain on which Christian ethics must be done. How to name and make visible that terrain is a challenge. One helpful way to make visible the water moral judgment is swimming in is through the use of large-scale stories of intellectual history. I use such an approach albeit in a way that is mindful of the concerns just outlined.

    The same can be said of something like modern medicine or technology. What I say in the book is not a wholesale rejection. Rather, I try to make visible the idolatries and systems of domination that pervade modern medicine and how these in turn shape our moral imagination when it comes to healthcare. The point is to make visible the water so as to enable wiser navigation not to reject the water as such.

    I hope I have said enough (more likely, I have probably said too much) to answer Dumler-Winckler’s terrific questions.

Gregory Lee

Response

Politics, Domination, and Retrieval

Readers of Luke Bretherton are familiar with his encyclopedic erudition, which spans an astonishing range of areas. A Primer in Christian Ethics is written for a wider audience than Bretherton’s previous books, displaying his sensitivities as a teacher and his integrity as a scholar-practitioner. As I was reading this text, I noticed a pattern in my reactions to it. Bretherton would offer some learned, provocative insight, and I would pause to consider the implications. As my mind wandered to questions that I have been pondering for some time, I would think, “What would Bretherton say about this topic? I wish I could ask him.” Then I would remember that this forum gives me the opportunity. Thank you, Syndicate! Here are three topics for discussion.

Politics and Domination

Chapter 14 defines politics in the most general terms as the activity by which humans structure their collective lives (317, 322–23). Politics is not restricted to the voting booth or elected officials. It applies to any sphere of life in which humans interact with each other and need social order. Politics is thus an activity for churches, boardrooms, neighbors, and even nomadic communities (325–26). Not everyone is a vocational politician, but everyone does politics.

Bretherton poses politics as an alternative to violence and coercion. Apart from politics, the only options are killing, dominating, or persecuting one’s enemies (317, 326–27, 348). Politics promotes participation and collaboration, listening and dialogue in which everyone can be heard, including marginalized members of a given community (335–37). The community can then assess what practices, policies, or arrangements would equitably serve all members. I am sympathetic to much of this vision, particularly in the present moment when dialogue and deliberation are in short supply. I have questions, however, about whether politics can avoid violence and coercion, and what this entails for Christian political engagement.

If politics involves the establishment of practices and structures to govern a given community, it seems also to require the establishment of behavioral and other boundaries to define the community. When members violate these boundaries, the community must decide how to respond. Offenders can be excluded, coerced into conformity, or tolerated (which involves a redefinition of boundaries, even if by failure to hold offenders to account). Many Christian ethicists get nervous about boundaries, given their potential for abuse. Yet there are situations where they are necessary. Perpetrators of sexual assault should be excluded from college campuses, for instance, and Holocaust denial is not a position to tolerate in class discussion.

In higher education, the harshest consequence for violating community standards is expulsion. In the criminal justice system, violence is an option, and it is arguably essential to the enforcement of law. I have been troubled on this matter by Robert Cover’s “Violence and the Word,” a celebrated work in legal scholarship that bears Augustinian resonances.1 As Cover argues, violence is what distinguishes legal interpretation from other forms of interpretation. Unlike readers of literature or philosophy, for instance, authorized interpreters of the law possess the power to deal death and confinement. When a judge rules against a defendant, the defendant almost always complies with the verdict because those who do not cooperate will be dragged or beaten into prison—or if they continue to resist, killed.

Citizens accept this violent reality because it has been institutionally authorized. They are also inured to it by the separation of actors and the specification of roles. A judge interprets the law but does not inflict its consequences; jailers and wardens simply follow orders. In cases involving capital punishment, the intricate coordination between judicial and penal hierarchies renders execution an exercise in institutional, collective violence. Cover does not condemn state violence itself, which he considers necessary for ordering society. But he exposes what our system of laws entails.

It is tempting to suggest that Christians should not participate in such systems, that we repudiate coercion altogether. What keeps me from this conclusion is the failure of Christian communities to discipline their own offenders. The Roman Catholic clerical abuse scandal eviscerated public trust in the church’s commitment to protecting children. Whereas public officials once refrained from intervening in ecclesial affairs, it is now widely accepted that cases of sexual abuse demand external, secular accountability. The case of John Howard Yoder has reinforced this conviction. His sexual predation persisted because his seminary president determined to address it through private discipline, following the pattern of Matt 18:15.2 In retrospect, law enforcement would have been the appropriate response. When the church fails to protect vulnerable populations, there is little recourse besides coercive authorities.

These considerations seem to support the necessity of coercion in our common life. Arguably, when a political system bears legitimacy, it is authorized to exercise force against offenders. The problem is the potential for abuse, a concern that especially worries me because of my work in Augustine (who is also foundational for Bretherton’s scholarship). Much of my research concentrates on Augustine’s religious coercion and the (in)compatibility of his campaign against the Donatists with his theology of the two cities. As John Bowlin and Michael Lamb have argued, Augustine’s writings on coercion are far more coherent and resonant with modern sensibilities than many scholars have acknowledged.3 Augustine restricts coercive authority to role-specific contexts, he believes coercion should be oriented toward genuine goods, and he insists that coercion reflect pastoral concern for its recipients, who will eventually benefit from discipline even if they initially resist it. Lamb has gone so far as to claim Augustine’s defense of coercion exhibits principles of classical republicanism, especially as articulated by Philip Pettit.

But Augustine’s defense of coercion relies on the same reasoning he uses to defend other forms of domination. One of them is slavery, the topic of two superb, forthcoming books by Matt Elia and Toni Alimi.4 Together, their books expose the necessity of retrieving the tradition critically lest we replicate the errors of the past. They also signal a shift in Augustinian political theology from questions of citizenship and liberal democracy to questions of oppression and marginality.

Augustine explains slavery as a mechanism of divine providence to correct and punish sin. The enslaved do not bear their condition because of sins they have personally committed; though all are sinners, not all are enslaved. It is a mystery of providence why God has chosen some and not others for this condition, and slavery serves the good of preserving social and domestic order. Though Augustine occasionally encourages masters to be less harsh with their slaves, this is not a pervasive theme in his writings.5 Though he forbids masters from sexual relations with their slaves, this reflects his aversion to sex and not to slavery as such. There can be good and bad masters, just as there can be good and bad slaves. Good slaves sometimes suffer under evil masters, but this is only a temporary burden to endure until Christ’s return.

The task of the Christian master is not to manumit his slaves but to love them and promote their ultimate good. Christian masters will thus direct their slaves to proper worship, disciplining them with words or physical blows as necessary. Since the master’s intent is benevolent, corporal punishment does not count as domination but as service and care. (Note Augustine’s assumption that slavery may not constitute domination.) Masters are called to humility, in imitation of Christ himself.

Humility, service, care, benevolent severity, inflicting pain that victims will appreciate later—this rhetoric fills the gap between masters and slaves. It underwrites domination by commending virtue in those who dominate. Elia’s book keenly perceives the dangers of this language. So will those who have suffered trauma in Christian contexts, only to have their experiences dismissed by invocations of providence, sincerity of intent, and the requirement for subordinates to submit to their leaders. I see similar potential for abuse in Bretherton’s chapter, which encourages readers to take politics seriously without making it an idol. As Bretherton writes, politics concerns penultimate ends (334), it should be oriented to the common good and not to factional interests (324), and it should not treat political positions as placeholders for character (326–27). Though this is sound advice for groups with power, it must be qualified for dominated groups who are characteristically excluded from the common good and told their grievances do not matter.

To summarize my questions: Can politics avoid violence and coercion? Can Christians avoid reliance on violent and coercive systems? How can we preserve social order without falling into domination, especially given the accessibility of Christian rhetoric to manipulation and abuse? What structures and practices guard against domination in Christian communities? More broadly, if earthly politics is necessarily coercive, what posture should Christians adopt toward it? Is it something to promote as a creational good, or something to endure, make less bad, and engage for limited purposes?

The Sources and Content of Retrieval

The second topic grows from the first. Bretherton stresses the importance of listening to our ancestors, including the Christian tradition. Drawing on Alasdair MacIntyre, he acknowledges that traditions involve contestation and require revision (119–21). He also expands how the Christian tradition has been defined, drawing liberally from minority, feminist, womanist, queer, and non-Western scholars. James Cone, Gustavo Gutiérrez, Ada María Isasi-Díaz, and Delores Williams sit alongside Augustine, Aquinas, Bonhoeffer, and Barth. Bretherton finds insight in them all and rarely pits them against each other.

But some of these authors have forged their positions against the others. Liberationist voices have (appropriately) critiqued figures like Augustine for trivializing injustice through an eschatology of deferral. Can these sources be held together, and what methodological considerations inform who is included in the conversation? Augustine is inextricable from the Western tradition. Do we include him from necessity, or because the good from him outweighs the bad, or do we start from scratch? What about Yoder? I remain shaped by insights I read in Yoder before understanding the nature of his sexual offenses. Are those insights now tainted?6 What is the relation between who articulates a given idea and its value for theological discourse? What are we doing when we invoke a theological ancestor? Appealing to authority or simply acknowledging our past, whether with gratitude or shame?

Ethics and Theological Education

Perhaps my favorite part of Bretherton’s book is its structure, which progresses from describing to acting to living. By identifying description as the first task of ethics, Bretherton stresses the centrality of listening. Christian ethicists must listen not just to traditional sources (chapters 3 and 6) but also to those often forgotten in theological discourse: strangers (chapter 4), the marginalized (chapter 5), and non-human creatures (chapter 2). This approach avoids the myth that we can construct our ethics through abstract reflection on Scripture, tradition, and philosophy, as if we first establish truths, then apply them to situations. Ethics of this vein can become an exercise in intellectual domination, according to which elites dictate morality for less privileged populations whose concerns they do not share or understand. By contrast, Bretherton conceives of Christian ethics as a journey, characterized by faith, hope, and love. Christian ethicists are ever learning, especially from those they are encountering for the first time. Ethics is a communal endeavor, indexed to the Spirit’s accessibility to all people.

I am curious what forms of theological education might support Bretherton’s approach to Christian ethics. Academics are often divorced from the concerns of ordinary Christians because we lack professional incentive to address them. We are rewarded for our publications and not for our character, for advancing the field as opposed to edifying the church. We assess students on similar terms, for their academic promise as opposed to their service to others. Many of us have little idea what our students are like outside the classroom. Bretherton has one foot in the academy, another on the ground. How has he bridged these worlds? How does he connect the dots for students? What institutions has he witnessed doing this well?

It is a privilege to ask these questions of someone whose work I admire so much. Bretherton’s book is a gift to academy, church, and world, and I am grateful to Syndicate for facilitating this discussion.


  1. Robert M. Cover, “Violence and the Word,” Yale Law Journal 95 (1986), 1601-29.

  2. Rachel Waltner Goossen, “‘Defanging the Beast’: Mennonite Responses to John Howard Yoder’s Sexual Abuse,” Mennonite Quarterly Review 89 (2015): 7-80.

  3. John R. Bowlin, “Augustine on Justifying Coercion,” The Annual of the Society of Christian Ethics 17 (1997): 49-70; Michael Lamb, “Augustine and Republican Liberty: Contextualizing Coercion,” Augustinian Studies 48 (2017): 119-59.

  4. Matthew Elia, The Problem of the Christian Master: Augustine in the Afterlife of Slavery (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2024); Toni Alimi, Slaves of God: Augustine and Other Romans on Religion and Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2024).

  5. Though it has become convention to use the term “enslaved” instead of “slaves,” I am using the latter here to represent Augustine’s own language.

  6. For a thoughtful treatment of these matters, see Karen V. Guth, The Ethics of Tainted Legacies: Human Flourishing after Traumatic Pasts (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2022).

  • Luke Bretherton

    Reply

    A Reply to Greg Lee

    I am enormously grateful to Greg Lee for his generative and insightful set of questions as well as his enthusiasm for the work. Together they constitute a source of great encouragement. In what follows I try to answer Lee’s questions although I have ordered them somewhat differently.

    Can politics avoid violence and coercion? More broadly, if earthly politics is necessarily coercive, what posture should Christians adopt toward it? Is it something to promote as a creational good, or something to endure, make less bad, and engage for limited purposes?

    In answer to Lee’s first question, politics cannot avoid violence and coercion but violence and coercion are neither basic nor determinative of it. My account of politics in the book draws on my previous work to set out a normative definition of politics. This normative account must be lived out under fallen conditions and under these conditions, it must point to both the creational basis as well as the redemptive, eschatologically prefigurative possibilities of politics. This theological framing of politics does not make the normative account an ideal. The relation of the normative to the fallen is not a dialectical one between ideal and real. Rather, the normative account is the most real and most true of which, as per Augustine, its fallen modalities are either a depravation or a deprivation. Fallen and tragic forms of politics are never the first and certainly not the last word about politics. They are only ever an interim word, one in which violence and domination are pervasive but neither determinative, necessary, nor inevitable features of politics in the earthly city.

    A number of important dynamics follow on from my account of politics and its relation to violence and domination. (I say domination rather than coercion, which is Lee’s term, as I don’t think coercion is always and in every case morally wrong and that there can be nonviolent forms of coercion such as shaming). The first thing that follows on from my account of politics is that political life is born out of discovering a basic and shared creaturely existence—-a life-in-common—-in specific times and places (and so formations of political life are always contextual and contingent and thereby under constant negotiation). The second is that formations of political life can anticipate and bear witness to the healing and eschatological fulfillment of life together in a fallen world. However, in the earthly city, some kind of statecraft is a providential necessity for restraining evil and sustaining forms of common life, even as statecraft itself is a fallen endeavor that needs restraining and holding accountable. But forming and sustaining a common life under fallen conditions is not exhausted by statecraft. Indeed, the conversion of political life as over-determined by statecraft (and its constitutive use of violence and domination) takes place through the expansion and prioritizing of politics as a practice of association for generating a life in common.

    Can Christians avoid reliance on violent and coercive systems? And how can we preserve social order without falling into domination, especially given the accessibility of Christian rhetoric to manipulation and abuse?

    My answer to the first question leads to Lee’s question about whether Christians can avoid reliance on violent and dominatory systems. Again, the answer is no, they are a feature of life east of Eden. The more fundamental question underlying Lee’s is under what conditions violence can be used morally. While violence is never morally commended, it can be morally licit (for example, surgery is a violent act that can be morally necessary; or forcefully intervening to stop a pro-democracy demonstrator being arrested by the police of an authoritarian regime is a violent act that is morally licit).

    Just war is one tradition of moral reasoning that seeks to determine how and when physical violence can be used morally. Alongside just war are political theologies of sovereignty, the rule of law, and the use of punishment for restraining non-sovereign forms of domination and mitigating the effects of intercommunal and interpersonal violence such as a blood feud. Sovereign authorities and legal processes enable life to go on – through violent and nonviolent means – amid suffering, loss, the randomness of evil, intractable injustice, and the fragility and folly of life with others. Added to these are streams of theological reflection on just revolution and resistance as exemplified in Protestant resistance theories of the seventeenth century. All these represent ways of imagining and enacting violence in morally restrained and accountable ways.

    Just as important in terms of their historical impact are the ways violence and domination are metabolized through Christian social movements. One example is the movement to transmute widespread rape and pillage brought on with the emergence of a knightly class through codes and cultures of chivalry. Here the question is not so much how to avoid violence but how to render its social reproduction less brutalizing, random, and pervasive. At this point Christianity as itself a form of cultural revolution must be reckoned with. This is an argument that the historian Tom Holland makes constructively, and Nietzsche makes as a criticism. The very possibility of imagining violence and domination as wrong and cultural commitments to defend the weak, make society more equal, and liberate categories of people judged oppressed is a sentiment that is contingent rather than natural. For all its flaws, failures, and evils, Christianity is the cultural revolution that makes possible imagining and enacting ways of life undetermined by violence, domination, and inequality.

    One thing all the approaches just named do is begin in the middle with the world as it is. They do not seek a space of purity from which to act. To presume a pure or unambiguous space (a non-place or utopia) is to attempt to live outside of history and the material conditions we always already find ourselves living within. To presume and attempt an ahistorical space from which to think and act politically betrays a gnostic habit of thought that needs deconstructing.

    Rather, frameworks like just war seek to move from the world as it is to a more just and generous one. But like Augustine’s conscientious judge, any move to metabolize violence and domination must endure a gnawing sense of uncertainty as to whether or not one is doing the right thing. Yet at the same time, as Jacques Maritain puts it: ‘The fear of soiling ourselves by entering the context of history is not virtue but a way of escaping virtue.’1

    The question to ask of all the ethical approaches just outlined is why violence and statecraft, albeit in morally disciplined and retrained forms, are the first or only means imagined as the condition for the possibility of making the world a bit more just? And related to that is the question of why a recourse to violence enacted in policing and other carceral measures is so often the first response to solving social problems? Christians may not be able to avoid participating in and making use of violence and systems and cultures of domination, but they can and should avoid letting violent and dominatory means colonize their social and political imagination. As followers of Jesus Christ, Christians can and should imagine social and political relations otherwise.

    In addressing the question of how to imagine and enact a world not wholly determined by but rather metabolizing violence an influential move in twentieth century Christian ethics has been to learn from pacificist traditions of thought and practice embodied in the so-called peace churches. The work of Stanley Hauerwas exemplifies such a move. However, this move had little if any account of a common life politics as I define it above. And it tended to ignore questions of domination and injustice, particularly when it came to questions of gender and sexuality. Rather than pacifist traditions of Christian belief and practice, a better source for thinking about such matters today are abolitionist streams of thought, indexed as these are to a radical democratic and nonviolent politics and forged as they are by those subject to domination.

    Abolitionism refuses the use of statecraft and carceral measures (surveillance, imprisonment, policing etc.), with their tacit and explicit recourse to violence, as either the first, the only, or the intuitive response to abuse (sexual or otherwise), domination, and injustice. Lee rightly worries about what can be called a “governance Christianity” which moves almost immediately to carceral responses to communal and wider problems (e.g., crime). As exemplified in the work of Mariame Kaba, an abolitionist approach refuses this logic and seeks nonviolent (although still coercive) forms of accountability, containment, and redress. An abolitionist framework is increasingly being used to rethink many areas of our common life, from healthcare to education and in doing so, the carceral logics at work in these domains are revealed. Christian ethicists need to engage with and learn from such work.

    What structures and practices guard against domination in Christian communities?

    Alongside what can be learned from abolitionist approaches, much is to be learned from ecclesial traditions of internal democracy. These have become either illegible or been abandoned as churches increasingly organize their forms of polity through modern forms of bureaucracy or take their lead from marketing and business practices (church as brand rather than church as polity). Like all forms of participatory democratic practice, central to ecclesial democratic practices for generating a common life are the distribution of power, collaborative, peer-based form of shared governance, and modes of deliberative accountability in which the interests of those affected are represented (nothing about me without me).

    Democratic social practices emerge within the church as central to the formation of the church as the people of God. The council of Jerusalem in Acts 15 served as a warrant for the importance of assembly, debate, voting, and a democratic approach to decision-making in churches. This precedent was furthered by the great ecumenical councils which decided matters of doctrine. The fourteenth- to sixteenth-century reform movement known as Conciliarism sought to carry this development forward; it contested monarchical forms of papal sovereignty, advocating instead for ultimate authority to reside in a council. The self-government of monastic and mendicant orders is another example. The influential early twentieth-century political scientist and historian of political thought, Ernest Barker, goes so far as to contend that there is a strong link between the development of a democratic order among the Dominicans and the growth of a parliamentary system in thirteenth-century England. For Barker, parliamentary democracy is incubated in the convocations and synods of the church.2

    Barker’s historical link may be tenuous, but the conceptual link is strong. Synods and parliaments are forms of assembly that involve the giving and receiving of free speech. Such speech serves what Aquinas, following Aristotle, called euboulia, meaning good or right counsel leading to sound judgment. As I discuss in the Primer, being euboulos involves the ability to deliberate well about what truly benefits either oneself or one’s community, as well as the ability to recognize and receive good advice from others, even those you disagree with or who vehemently oppose you. Euboulia is a vital element of democracy, with its emphasis on dialogue and debate, rather than physical violence, as the means of addressing collective problems or resolving disputes.

    We need to recover the rich traditions of democratic representation and deliberation in leadership training, pastoral formation, and the institutionalizing of ecclesial polity. To do so is not merely a procedural and pastoral solution to the problem of abuse and domination within churches. It is also a vital means of discipleship and the formation of a people, the people of God. An articulation of what I am advocating here is Bradford Hinze’s contention that the Roman Catholic Church only fulfils what it means to be the people of God when it is constituted through democratic means. As he summarizes it: “The prophetic character of the people of God is realized in and through synodality in the church, and in and through democracy in civil society.”3 A related but more radical proposal is to re-envision the church as a commons. I discuss the nature of the commons and commoning as a democratic social practice in the Primer. My suggestion is to reimagine the church as itself a commons sustained through practices of commoning, which constitutes a form of nonsovereign democratic practice.

    Can conflicting sources be held together?

    Lee notes that some of the authors I cite have forged their positions against the others I include in the book. Yes, but it’s not clear why that is a problem. Conflict is not always and in every case a failure or wrong. As I set out in my account of neighbor love in general and enemy love in particular, agonism and a dance of conflict and conciliation it entails, is a crucial motor not only for discovering truth but also for forging just and generous forms of common life.

    What methodological considerations inform who is included in the conversation? And what is the relation between who articulates a given idea and its value for theological discourse?

    Epistemic Donatism seeks to exclude a priori who can be included in the conversation through a set of purity tests. To apply such purity tests is to think both ideologically and sentimentally rather than critically, theologically, and politically. Personal righteousness and moral and political insight do not necessarily or often go together. Good and holy people can say terrible and evil things while evil and terrible people can be sources of profound moral and political insight. Saint Bernard of Clairvaux’s advocacy of crusades is an example of the former, while the Nazi Carl Schmitt, who has important insights into the nature of earthly sovereignty, is an example of the latter. Much can be learned from Schmitt even as his conclusion are rejected.

    Part of learning how to describe well under fallen conditions is learning how to read what Phyllis Trible calls “texts of terror.” The Bible is full of them. However, there is no procedure or hermeneutical strategy that can guarantee morally correct or righteous readings. There is only trial and error, situated in a community of readers who include those unlike oneself (strangers and enemies). That said, there are orientations.

    Liberation theologies advocate identification with and the epistemological priority of the poor and oppressed as a way of disidentifying with patterns of domination, realizing that theology is itself in bondage to social and political processes from which it needs liberation. A more recent proposal, one that addresses the need for liberation from our ‘mind-forged manacles’ is Sarah Coakley’s advocacy of contemplative prayer as a means of ‘unmastery.’ Another, more ‘cataphatic’ form of ascetic and pastoral purgation is my own proposal—set out through the course of my work—for engagement in certain kinds of democratic politics and practices for encountering and building relationship with strangers and enemies (e.g., hospitality).

    What is in view in all these proposals is how to take seriously the interrelationship between structural location, epistemology, and the need for the conversion of our theological and moral reasoning. Such proposals are ways we might become ‘otherwise’; that is, become wise and insightful about those unlike us (the other) in such a way that a faithful, hopeful, and loving common life might emerge between oneself and an other, whether at an interpersonal, congregational, intercommunal, or regional level.

    What forms of theological education might the approach to Christian ethics the Primer advocates?

    I think Lee is already embodying such an approach in his own pedagogical practice. His work with students in Chicago is a wonderful example of the kind of theological education that combines formation in character with social and political engagement. Given what I say above, my own efforts center on involving students in forms of democratic organizing alongside teaching means of critically reflecting on and seeking to transform their own institutional and social context. I have learned a great deal for my own teaching practice from traditions of popular education as exemplified in the work of Septima Clark, Ella Baker, Myles Horton, and the Highlander Folk Center as well as my training in mediation and conflict transformation. At some point, I would like to explore further the application of nonviolent communication techniques to theological pedagogy.


    1. Jacques Maritain, Man and the State (Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1998), pp. 62-63.

    2. For a more recent version of this argument see Anna Grzymała-Busse, Sacred Foundations: The Religious and Medieval Roots of the European State (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2023).

    3. Bradford Hinze, Prophetic Obedience: Ecclesiology for a Dialogical Church (Orbis Books, 2016), 38.

Andrew Prevot

Response

Listening to Cries for Liberation

Luke Bretherton’s new introductory text on Christian ethics has an elegant three-part structure. In certain respects, it resembles the influential “See – Judge – Act” model proposed by the Catholic labor organizer Cardinal Joseph Cardijn, except that Bretherton’s model might be renamed “Listen – Judge – Live Well Together.” Both proceed from a first task of understanding concrete situations, to a second task of evaluating them according to received moral traditions, to a third task of engaging in social praxis. While Bretherton’s book pays some attention to classical views of the individual ethical agent, it is also an account of the contemporary social and ecological worlds that such agents are called to understand, evaluate, and transform.

Bretherton argues that by listening to nonhuman creatures in nature (27), “strangers” that belong to groups different from one’s own (73), and persons and communities that are “crying out for liberation” (91), one becomes aware of concrete situations that require ethical engagement. At the same time, he asks his readers to listen for the Word of God that may be revealed through such channels, as well as through sacred scripture (52) and the traditions of “ancestors” (111). Listening, then, has a double purpose: it makes one cognizant of ethically weighty facts of the material, historical world and attuned to the ethically normative commands and callings of the Creator.

I am interested in thinking further with Bretherton about his account of listening to those crying out for liberation, which he develops in Chapter 5 and in several other sections of the book. Of course, I agree that such cries have a vital role to play in shaping Christian ethics. My questions revolve around the implied addressee of his exhortation to listen to such cries, what metamorphoses this listening subject is supposed to undergo in order to receive and truly understand them, and what sort of ethics is meant to be enacted by those who are not in the same subject position—specifically, the criers themselves.

Bretherton’s main audience seems to be a large, diverse group that he characterizes as “those who are materially or politically advantaged in some way, even marginally so” (92). He observes that members of this group can easily choose not to listen to oppressed people, that they “often suffer from the vice of indifference” (92), and that they tend to react defensively when their comfortable lives are questioned. Bretherton’s analysis of the conditions of this privileged group is perceptive:

Structural advantage is often woven out of the very fabric of our lives and operates in subtle, unseen ways. For example, how we sit, talk, eat, dress, and comport ourselves can express and reproduce socioeconomic class or racial divisions that favor some people over others in access to education, loans, jobs, housing, and the like. Yet, at an instinctive level, those whose behaviors and bodies comport with what is deemed normal or socially correct feel their behaviors are simply good, right, and proper. (92–93)

This description of how differences in everyday actions and bodily dispositions translate into disparate opportunities seems sound to me, as does Bretherton’s suggestion that those complying with norms that confer access do not typically regard themselves as doing anything wrong. Social injustices emerge from a normativity that is either imperceptible to those who benefit from it or perceived by them as quite natural and good. People in this social position and psychological frame of mind are those Bretherton wants to challenge and provoke. He urges them to break out of their comfort zones by listening to others who are cut off from the advantages they enjoy.

The set of the structurally advantaged is called “those” but also “we.” The latter word choice indicates that this set is supposed to include both author and presumed audience. To some degree, Bretherton’s group-description is a self-description in which he suggests most readers can or should see themselves. He is probably not wrong. He tells us that “this book is born out of over twenty years’ experience teaching introductory courses in Christian ethics on two sides of the Atlantic” (3), at institutions of higher learning that represent and convey the very sorts of access he names. Many of the people who will be assigned this book are students like the ones Bretherton teaches, students who, in order to make it into such academic spaces, have already been participating in the behavior- and body-linked structural advantages that he wants them to acknowledge. I too, as a scholar employed at an elite university, can and should see myself in Bretherton’s implied audience of the relatively privileged and powerful. I agree with him that “we” (hereafter in quotes to designate this specific group, from which I cannot exclude myself) ought to listen to others who have been denied access to the advantages “we” enjoy and who, moreover, have been oppressed and are crying out for liberation. I agree, as well, that this is a necessary step toward any of “us” becoming ethical agents, because ethics does not depend merely on individual adherence to norms and virtues (especially considered abstractly) but on how one responds to concrete social realities.

Bretherton draws on Latin American liberation theologians, Black theologians, Womanist theologians, and Korean Minjung theologians as he discusses who the oppressed are, what interlocking conditions they are suffering from, and how to hear God’s Word speaking through them. In my opinion, these are all excellent sources. To read such literature is one way to begin to do the sort of listening Bretherton encourages, even though, as educated theologians and ethicists, the purveyors of these traditions often occupy a mediating position between the halls of the academy and the other places—e.g., slums, prison cells, and war zones—where people are literally crying out for liberation. By “literal” I mean visceral: tears falling down faces, screams rising up from bodies. Scholars from historically oppressed groups (a category in which I also count myself insofar as I am descended from slaves) and those engaging with their writings both do and do not represent the subaltern. Bretherton’s ethics seems destined to occur in this intermediate territory between contexts of power and powerlessness, a place of asymmetrical encounter where acts of listening to those who are unjustly suffering may spur moral conversions among the more comfortable.

I agree with Bretherton’s contention that ethics is not reducible to the work of listening but also requires deliberation and an active striving for communal wellbeing. The voice of the oppressed continues to play a crucial role in these further efforts, because, as the Black theologian James Cone argues and Bretherton affirms, “oppressors cannot determine what does or does not constitute Christian behavior” (200). It would seem, then, that the standards of moral judgment must lie with those crying out for liberation and that their perspectives—not those of “our” privileged group—should guide the work of social transformation. However, matters are complicated by the fact that, as Bretherton puts it, “the priority of the poor and oppressed does not imply they are intrinsically good or their ways of narrating their experience are infallible” (102). Their words and God’s Word are not (always or necessarily) identical, because, like everyone else, they remain finite and fallen creatures (133), and, in any case, they do not all say and think the same things.

Given such limitations, it is difficult to know who is in a position to judge well. The poor are not perfect and should not be romanticized, even though they often do know whereof they speak. Meanwhile, the social advantages that give one access to higher education are a double-edged sword. On the one hand, one may use this access to study the Bible, various moral traditions, and relevant humanistic and empirical disciplines with great rigor and let this training refine one’s moral judgments. The fruits of such study are evident throughout Bretherton’s book. On the other hand, he argues that, among other things, “an elite lifestyle closed off from relationship with others unlike oneself constrain[s] possible courses of action and people’s ability to discuss, deliberate, and discern what to do and how to do it” (228). He acknowledges, as well, that “formal education is often irrelevant to practical reasoning” (227). The oppressed are not impeccable moral guides, but the same point must be made even more strongly about the sheltered and highly educated (groups that overlap to some degree, if not entirely).

Solidarity of one kind or another seems the only viable answer to the dilemma created by such distinct yet universal epistemological limitations. The best moral judgments seem likely to come from a communal effort to combine academic and experiential insights about oppression, liberation, and other related topics and to hold each source accountable for its potential shortcomings. For his part, Bretherton promotes a form of “agitational solidarity” (332) that would balance practices of “conflict and conciliation” in a sort of “dance” (333). This approach asks would-be ethical agents to challenge powerful people (possibly including themselves) to confront their complicity in structures of domination. At the same time, it demands that such persons be loved as neighbors and not rejected as reified enemies.

In this dance of solidarity, Bretherton contends that “everyone must change, and we must all lose something to someone at some point” (333). He continues: “The temptation for those with concentrations of privilege and power is to fix the system so that they lose nothing and others always lose, no matter how hard they work. The fight is to ensure that the loss is not borne disproportionately by the poor and marginalized” (333). Once again, this way of thinking seems to be most intelligible within a certain interstitial space between contexts of power and powerlessness. Christian ethics—from listening, to judgment, to living well together—appears to move within these parameters, coaxing people who could afford to be indifferent actually to care and cautioning those crying out for liberation to accept some proportionate change and even loss of their own for the sake of the common good.

While I am grateful for this argument because of its many insights and remarkable syntheses, I am also interested in certain questions it has sparked for me: What, if anything, must privileged persons change about their habits or ways of life in order to hear cries for liberation and really appreciate their significance? Is the task of listening complete without a fusion of horizons, an alignment of affects and priorities, and a commitment to collective action? Moreover, what would a Christian ethics look like whose central subject is not a privileged person traveling between contexts of power and powerlessness but the very people who are trapped in zones of violence and neglect produced by systems of domination? Is such a recentered ethics conceivable (by “us”)? Is centering a helpful metaphor? These questions are motivated by a desire to understand how much Christian ethics currently is, realistically can be, and ideally ought to be defined by the victims of history, including their circumstances, thoughts, and practices and their various imperfect (because human) ways of relating to God. For me, these questions are genuine, not merely rhetorical, though I suppose by asking them I am making the point that these are matters worth discussing further.

Cristina Traina

Response

Rethinking Moral Agency

Metabolism as Answer and Question

Every so often a Christian ethicist bravely merges the wisdom of their syllabi, their course lectures, and their own spiritual and moral struggles into a soup-to-nuts guide to Christian moral discernment. My own mentors Paul Ramsey—Basic Christian Ethics—and James M. Gustafson—Ethics from a Theocentric Perspective—produced such works, and now, with A Primer in Christian Ethics, Luke Bretherton has joined their ranks.

Trying to squeeze all the criteria, definitions, sources, and reasoning of Christian ethics into a single work is either an act of folly or an act of courage. No one could accuse any of the three of folly. Rather, they were brave enough to publish their theories of everything and take the arrows that fly when readers judge that they’ve omitted something important, or gone about the task in the wrong way, or attempted something that is inherently impossible and therefore deluded. In recognition of that courage, I want to take this space not to sling arrows but to appreciate what Bretherton is up to and then ask him to develop and sharpen one idea that seems to drive his argument.

Appreciation

Bretherton’s fans will recognize his theme of living by and for shalom—peaceful flourishing—in a world in which the whole spectrum of actors from institutions and governments to individual inhabitants, Christians included, are pursuing their ends violently and destructively. The marks of his teaching at Duke University show in his addressees: persons of entitlement and privilege (92) who must learn truly to listen to systematically oppressed persons (93) and humbly compensate for the undeserved excess of credibility that they enjoy (95).1 They show in his rich and wide-ranging footnotes and suggestions for further reading, which span the distance from St. Gregory of Nyssa to the queer Argentinian theologian Marcella Althaus-Reid, from Danish philosopher and theologian Søren Kierkegaard to Pope Francis to womanist ethicist Emilie M. Townes.

They show, sometimes unnamed, in his theological infrastructure as well. Thomas Aquinas agreed that part of doing Christian ethics is discerning the meaning that the divinely created world already contains. St. Augustine warned that we, and all human institutions, are “wrecked and accursed” (360). H. Richard Niebuhr insisted that before even asking what we should do, we must always discern what God is doing. Karl Barth reminded us that all the prayer, scripture study, worship, and debate in the world are simply preparation to clearly hear God’s command to us, as individuals and churches. Stanley Hauerwas refuses to let us forget that Christianity is not a position, but a communal way lived by worshiping, serving, and struggling with scripture together.

Not surprisingly, for Bretherton Christian ethics is a practical and spiritual art (12) that amounts to “theology with people in it” (234) and a theology literally done with people; it is “dense with the lives of people trying to live well” (9). Here, he lets us look over his shoulder at his work with churches. He means A Primer in Christian Ethics to “narrat[e] a landscape,” chart “a specific” as well as “difficult and costly” path through it, and serve as a “devotional manual” to support this always-communal process (5). For example, he encourages Christians toward “ways of reading Scripture that combine plain sense, critical, and spiritual readings but don’t require sophisticated ‘hermeneutics’” (62). Simply gathering to read slowly, envisioning the parts in the whole of the canon, and centering Christ and love as interpretive criteria will sustain community moral discernment (62–68).

To be sure, scripture study alone is inadequate; ethics draws on all available media (68–69). The main point of his example is that reading together is an existential practice that transforms readers, not a search for the “correct” answer. The gathered community can and must interpret all the “inputs” of moral discernment together in real time rather than turn the process over to scholars in ethics. He wants to nurture the Christian moral life, not trigger the publication of further academic books.

The Challenge

But what else inspired this effort? Bretherton wants to reframe Christian moral discernment and moral life in light of two related, unavoidable twenty-first-century realizations. First, to be alive at all is to exist in networks of interdependence not just with other humans but with the global ecosystem, with its myriad other kinds of beings. Everything we do impinges on the life of every other being, whose needs and welfare we must take seriously, and their existence impinges on us, shaping whether and who we are. Second, to be alive today is to swim in a stream of history that contains the good, the bad, and the ugly, a stream that will flow on from us. We must avoid passing on the pollutants that we can’t help receiving.

All of this means that Christian ethics must discard language about essences, static natures, and purely “good” or “evil” acts. We need language that fits the interdependent, dynamic, messy reality in which we live. To fill this void, Bretherton experiments with the terms metabolism, metabolize, and metabolic. I’ll sketch the uses I’ve noticed, and I invite him to correct and flesh them out for us. What work can they do for us, theologically and morally?

Metabolic Theological Ethics

Technically, “metabolism” refers to processes that transform substances—like food—into energy an organism can use. A “metabolic” being is a being that can do this for itself: a living organism. Analogously, we might think of petroleum or hydro power, which we collectively convert to energy for common use. Even more generally, Bretherton uses “metabolize” to signal taking something in and incorporating it into oneself—or even acknowledging that a thing is always, already part of our normal functioning. This suggests a number of other uses that describe our interdependence and our existence in time.

First and most simply, a “metabolic” approach rejects the dualistic view of the human being as a mind and soul walking around in an otherwise irrelevant, problematic body. Instead, it is holistic, embracing the whole of our embodied, dynamic, metabolizing selves. Not only does it describe us as living, breathing creatures, but–“not privileging one aspect of agency, the mind, character, will, or desire—metabolism encompasses the person as a biospiritual whole.” (36)

Second, our interdependence with other creatures is metabolic, in a sense, because we all exist “within a meshwork of symbiotic relationships” (34) with humans and others. Trees generate the oxygen we need, and we generate the carbon dioxide they need. This “meshwork” even “constitute[s] the agency of the person and the context of their actions.” (34). Because I cannot be or act in the world without the oxygen that trees produce, it makes sense to say that trees are co-actors with me.

Bretherton sometimes seems to mean “agent” and “actor” in the sociological systems sense: something that causes effects in a system. Even an earthquake or a hurricane or a perfect balance between rainy and sunny summer days can be an agent—an actant—in a social system, because it produces tangible effects on people’s “meshwork of symbiotic relationships.” This means that we are not just affected by beings around us, but they are part of us, or create us. What’s more, it’s not that our essential, original nature is finally revealed as we unfurl into the finished, thereafter changeless persons that we were always meant to be, but that we change continuously as we interact with different, similarly dynamic people, institutions, beings, and environments, most of which we do not control.

We do not have a fixed identity or preexisting self that is simply expressed, and which must somehow be recognized through others as already existing. Each person comes to be in and through others, both human and nonhuman, we are summoned into and enabled to act in this world through practices of care and communication. We become through a process of reception and response (157).

Presumably, this dynamic process never stops.

In other places Bretherton implies that not just our agency—our often-involuntary effect in the world—but our moral agency involves co-agents: people, other beings, and our surroundings.

Individual agency is dependent on others and determined in part by things we did not make, such as night and day and our digestive system. Autonomy—or better, my ability to act purposefully [moral agency]—is dependent on and constrained by a meshwork of prior relations and factors that make possible the ability to act (85).

This does not mean that my co-agents fully determine my moral actions; it is more that they condition and accompany me. I can decide to take myself, which includes my network of interdependence, closer to flourishing, or I can damage us (48) by giving myself “over to forms of authority or desire that constrain purposeful action directed to flourishing” (85).

But what—and this is a question I explore, as a feminist ethicist—does moral autonomy mean then? How do we make sense of non-individualist, interdependent moral agency, especially when many of our co-agents are not even human?

Third, for Bretherton “to metabolize” sometimes means “to incorporate something in a process of creative production” or “to transform a good into something useful.” In resonance with early twentieth century Catholic thought, Bretherton says that work metabolizes “creation so as to provision a common life in ways that participate faithfully in God’s oikonomia” (311). As part of “a common life with others,” “covenant and command provide the context and conditions within which metabolizing creation can be fructifying and moral agency realized” (170). Analogously, we must integrate God’s call into the very processes of living: “On a Christian account, becoming a disciple entails being baptized into and learning how to faithfully metabolize God’s call to and communication with us” (157). Expanding the note on Gregory of Nyssa’s Eucharistic theology on page 48 might further enrich this vision of holy incorporation, in which the good thing—whether literal bread or a vocation or the Body of Christ—becomes part of me and helps me attune to God and the conditions of interdependence.

Fourth, recalling the challenge of history above, Bretherton warns that it matters how we metabolize the heritage of “wrecked and accursed ways of being alive” (360) that are also ingrained in our interdependent, dynamic identities and moral agency. We are invariably in the “middle” between a problematic past we did not choose and a future we can help to shape (36–37). We can elect to continue to set “in motion metabolic processes that produce toxicity rather than flourishing” (142), as we have with the violent afterlives of enslavement, or we can “[metabolize them] in ways that acknowledge and seek to convert” the destructive realities that we inherited (37–38).

Following in the way of the life, death, and resurrection of Jesus Christ, the right, if risky path is to metabolize our wrecked and accursed ways of being alive into ways that bring blessings through loving God and our human and nonhuman neighbors (360).

Metabolizing destruction and injustice by breaking it down rather than incorporating it (returning to the analogy of the river, sewage plant imagery springs to mind) is not quite the same as metabolizing the goods of creation or our very particular, individual call to discipleship. How can we describe our metabolism of evil, theologically? Is it a matter of grace, willed decision, or both? Might a more developed Christology help us describe God’s power to purge these toxins?

Many other insights deserve attention: for example, instead of trying to separate the effects of our fallenness from the effects of our given human finitude, Bretherton suggests developing practical ways of living that take the whole knotty mess into account without disentangling it (133–155). But for now, two final questions:

  1. How might a developed and expanded account of “metabolism” renew theological anthropology, ethics, and soteriology?
  2. Those whom violent and unjust people victimize are all too aware of the evil that history bequeaths to the present. They also have less leverage than their victimizers—and presumably than Bretherton’s main audience—to metabolize “accursed” institutions and practices into “blessings.” How might victims of historical oppression view Bretherton’s metabolic vision of theological ethics?

  1. See also Natalia Imperatori-Lee, “Bearers of an ‘Idle Tale’: Women’s Authority in a Credibility Economy” (The Annual Madaleva Lecture, St. Mary’s College, Notre Dame, IN, April 11, 2024).

  • Luke Bretherton

    Reply

    Reply to Cristina Traina

    I am extremely grateful to Cristina Traina for her excellent summary of my use of metabolism as a framework for conceptualizing moral and political agency. Her typology of my uses of it helps me understand better what I am trying to articulate. Traina’s primary question is how might a developed and expanded account of “metabolism” renew Christology, theological anthropology, ethics, and soteriology?

    My response builds on my note in the Primer about Gregory of Nyssa’s Eucharistic theology and does so through an engagement with Joseph Walker Lenow’s recent development of Augustine’s totus Christus Christology.

    Nyssa’s metabolic conception of the Eucharist draws attention to how the sacrament is not just a human-divine event. It is a divine-creation event. When we swallow bread and wine we are connected through the elements to the wheat, the vines, the soil, the microbes and mycelium in the soil that feeds the roots, the sky, the rain, and the oceans that made the clouds, and all the organic and inorganic connections and processes that make bread and wine possible. When we eat of them, we join in their praise and their praise joins with ours and we all participate together in a celebration of God’s homecoming to creation in Christ through the work of the Spirit. In this the Eucharist marks the way humanity is always constituted through relations with nonhuman and divine life. In doing so, it marks also how this is no less true of the incarnate Lord.

    As fully human and fully divine Christ is constituted through all the material and social relations that constitute Christ’s historical actuality. As Lenow notes, the incarnation requires the existence and agency of the whole created order such that all creation is drawn into the work of incarnation and thus the self-revelation of God in Christ.1 Incarnation, that comes to fruition in crucifixion, resurrection, and ascension, is in turn how divine life metabolizes a fractured and fallen world into new creation. One instance in Christ’s life – the wedding at Cana – illustrates the point. As Lenow contends, for Christ to participate in this event and for this event to in turn become an articulation of revelation and salvation

    a dizzying array of creaturely considerations must be included in the Word’s will, everything from geological and environmental processes that allow for habitation in towns in the northern Levant, to the evolutionary history of grapevines and the technical history of fermentation, to social orders and religious practices that render sensible and meaningful the rituals of marriage and feasting, to particular kinship relations and local customs that would result in Jesus and Mary being invited to this wedding, to the particular agencies of the two persons and their families (and all the likely uneven distribution of power in the exercise of those agencies) in bringing about the betrothal and marriage. For the shape of Christ’s life to be what it is, all these many aspects of the created order must be included within the work of incarnation.

    Lenow draws out and expands the Christological basis and ethical significance of understanding incarnation and salvation as constituted through a meshwork of creaturely relations and does so in a way that is neither in competition with nor undermines the divinity of Christ and the priority of divine action. In doing so he situates his Christology as a way to fill out my suggestion that such a Christology was needed if a fully-fledged theological anthropology was to be developed that understood human personhood in terms of “the person, the person-in-relation-to-other-persons-and-non-human-life situated in a specific time and place, and the person-in-relation-to-the-whole-of-humanity-and-the-whole-of-creation.”2 In turn, Lenow’s development of Augustine’s Christology displays how the metabolic conception of agency I develop in the Primer helps articulate the social nature of both sin and salvation.

    Lenow does not address the implications of a participatory, noncompetitive, and metabolic conception of agency for notions of moral autonomy in a way that Traina presses. Traina highlights, both in her own work and mine, how repositioning the ethical subject and ethical subjectivity as fully relational raises questions about moral autonomy. My contention in the Primer is that a metabolic conception of moral and political agency does not generate a desubjectified agent, or a person whose humanity is collapsed into a field of immanence whereby their individuality and transcendent ends are lost. One way to conceptualize how this operates is as a double movement: one movement is how, like Christ, the particular agency of the individual is constituted in and through a meshwork of relations in the order of being; the other movement is how the self-awareness and moral subjectivity of the individual (and hence a sense of purposeful agency/moral autonomy/personal responsibility) is constituted through modes of self-reflexivity and shared deliberation (and is thereby a feature of the order of knowing). However, given the conditions and possibilities of knowing are constitutively social (for example, they depend on language), individual self-knowledge and purposeful moral agency is itself relationally discovered and secured. Ethics as a formal field of study reflects on the meshwork of relations (in the order of being) in order to aid individual and collective judgments (in the order of knowing) about how these relations might be rightly ordered so that the person and/or their communities and the relations on which these depend might thrive.

    This leads me to address Traina’s other primary question: “How might victims of historical oppression view Bretherton’s metabolic vision of theological ethics?” Traina’s important question foreshadows questions that Greg Lee and Andrew Prevot ask, so my responses to them should be read as extending and further developing what I say here in my response to Traina.

    At the heart of Traina’s question is how to understand the agency of the oppressed. Her question can be reframed in more binary terms than she does in order to draw out what is at stake: do victims of historical oppression have agency to re-shape/metabolize generatively their living and working conditions or are they simply passive recipients of policies and practices determined by the rich and powerful? My ethnographic research on community organizing and work on forms of radical democracy shapes my answer to this question. The oppressed and marginalized can be passive recipients of decisions taken elsewhere, but they don’t have to be. They can and often do generate the collective agency to have a say in determining their living and working conditions.

    The poor and marginalized may be excluded from access to state or economic power, but these do not exhaust the means of political agency. As I define it in the Primer, political power takes the form of either unilateral power (power over), relational power (power with), or soul power (the power from within). This latter form is the subjective, internal element that enables individual and collective action over, with, or for others. It includes drive, motivations, gifts (including spiritual gifts), will, dispositions (whether toward virtue or vice), sense of vocation, and personality/charisma/spirit. The poor and marginalized can build relational and soul power to challenge the ways they are excluded from and their lives over-determined by existing configurations of unilateral power articulated in state systems, economic structures, and cultural processes. Social movements such as the abolitionist, labor, women’s, civil rights, and environmental movements witness to this possibility and constitute ways of metabolizing “accursed” institutions and practices through collective democratic agency. As I will explore further in my response to Lee and Prevot, such collective democratic agency does not escape or solve living and acting under finite and fallen conditions. For example, while the abolition movement formally ended chattel slavery, it did not thereby eradicate the ways white supremacy could be re-articulated through carceral, educational, and economic systems. Nevertheless, such social movements and forms of collective democratic agency do represent a real means of constructively metabolizing oppressive structures “from below.”

    As broad-based community organizing explicitly teaches, the primary point of this kind of democratic action is not first and foremost to solve this or that problem. Addressing particular issues is important and constitutive of collective democratic agency, but the primary fruit of such action is the recovery of human dignity through the generation of relational and soul power. On this account, democratic politics (as against democracy as a mode of statecraft) is about having agency in determining one’s living and working conditions. It thereby provides the conditions and means through which human personhood is actualized in and through free and mutually responsible relationships with and for others. It also makes provision for each person to have a hand in shaping and benefitting from the material and social conditions under which they live and work. In an important line of Christian political theology often referred to as Christian humanism, democracy is envisioned as a way of enacting fruitfully what it means to be made in the image of God conceptualized in terms of a relational, participatory theological anthropology. Within this kind of Christian humanist framework (which suffuses the Primer), an associational and pluralistic democratic politics is a way of actively metabolizing the dehumanizing, atomizing, alienating, exploitative, and would-be totalizing forms of modern economic and political life “from below.”

    Critical analysis of structures and systems of domination unveils the ways in which at the heart of domination are modes of stripping other humans of their capacity to act for and with others and thereby dehumanizing them. Orlando Paterson’s historical analysis of the “accursed institution” of slavery as a form of social death is a case in point. Resistance, whether small, as in the form of what anthropologist James C Scott calls “weapons of the weak,” or large, as in the slave revolts and maroon communities that the Black Marxist Cedric Robinson lifts up, are all modes of recovering individual and collective agency and thereby metabolizing domination in a way that recovers one’s personhood while also resisting evil.

    Another mode of metabolizing domination “from below” are self-organized and self-generated forms of cultural production. This is a point drawn from Frederick Douglas’s autobiographical reflections on the role of the music and songs made by the enslaved. As Paul Gilroy notes, this music “was not simply a matter of African cultural life reasserting and renewing itself. For him, the music and the social relations it created supplied the favored means to assert and examine the humanity of the slave population that was being dehumanized by the government of the plantation.”3 For Gilroy, the spirituals embody a counter humanism to the dehumanization generated by the political economy of racial capitalism. Likewise, James Cone sees the spirituals as a key form through which slaves resisted being determined by white supremacy and having their self-conception and way of experiencing the world defined by the trauma and oppression of slavery. Cone states that the spirituals are “the people facing trouble and affirming ‘I ain’t tired yet.’ But the spiritual is more than dealing with trouble. It is a joyful experience, a vibrant affirmation of life and its possibilities …. The spiritual is the community in rhythm, swinging to the movement of life.”4 The songs mark ways systemic violence is both refused and metabolized into new forms of life, even in the wake of ongoing death. They articulate forms of relational and soulful agency that represent an assertion and reinspiration of personhood.


    1. Joseph Walker Lenow, An Augustinian Christology: Completing Christ (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2023), 142.

    2. Walker Lenow, An Augustinian Christology, 368, n. 73. Lenow quotes Luke Bretherton, Christ and the Common Life: Political Theology and the Case for Democracy (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2019), 310 n.46.

    3. Paul Gilroy, “The Black Atlantic and the Re-enchantment of Humanism,” The Tanner Lectures on Human Values, https://tannerlectures.utah.edu/Gilroy%20manuscript%20PDF.pdf (accessed 07.04.20).

    4. James Cone, The Spirituals and the Blues: An Interpretation (New York: Seabury Press, 1972), 32–33.

Daniel Lee Hill

Response

Fighting to Live Well as We Fall Apart

Luke Bretherton’s A Primer in Christian Ethics is an extended deliberation on the task of living well as human beings who share a common life with the rest of creaturely being. He writes, “Christian ethics asks about the nature and form of the flourishing or shalom-like life in light of the life, death, resurrection, and ascension of Jesus Christ” (10). There is, of course, much to commend in the work, as is to be expected from a scholar of his caliber. Bretherton deftly integrates large swaths of sources, presents a clear methodology, and the inclusion of case studies is sure to provide the prospective reader with the ability to see the value of his proposal. Yet in reading it a certain discomfiture begin to settle in, one that has troubled me with much of the way in which we talk about creaturely well being within a devastated world. In reading the book, I was left wondering about the coherence of intra-species accounts of flourishing as well as our epistemological grounds for articulating what it means for any creature to inhabit shalom-like conditions within the context of the devastation. In order to highlight it, I will focus this response primarily on Bretherton’s overarching goal of creating a theocentric account of Christian ethics, attending to the manner in which life in the devastation affects how we conceive of human and nonhuman flourishing.

First, it seems to me that, on more than one occasion, creaturely flourishing is competitive, at least across species lines in the time of the saeculum. Bretherton writes in the book’s introduction that “a truly good, meaningful, shalom-like way of living cannot be built on the domination and exploitation of others or of the rest of creation” (10). Yet while such a description may be applicable to the members of the human family, and undoubtedly the intended audience of this book is human beings and not Orcas and Kunekunes, I wonder how extendable it is to the rest of the created order. Bretherton avers that we need to attune ourselves to creation and the manner in which our actions create shared worlds with nonhuman creatures, a necessary step for envisioning the possibilities of our common life. “Frameworks that suggest that we stand over and above nature are a fantasy,” he posits (32). At work here, seems to be a latent critique of a so-called anthropocentrism that elevates the human subject above the rest of creaturely kind (39). And, on his account, “we must ask how nonhuman life should participate in human society, how human society should participate and adapt to nonhuman ways of being alive, and how both may enjoy communion with God” (39). For Bretherton, this theocentric vision of creation allows us to move “beyond a conflict paradigm to one of coexistence, emphasizing the need for mutual adaptation between human and nonhuman forms of life” (39). But while I can imagine, and imagine is a key word here, what it might mean for the rats of New York City, the cockroaches of Waco, TX, or the korukoru of New Zealand to flourish, it seems to me that I am still superimposing a vision of what our common life should entail upon them from above, even as I claim to listen to, with and alongside them. For, again, it seems to me that the various flora and fauna of creation might be more inclined to a lifestyle of eating, drinking, and being merry, “knowing” that tomorrow they will die. And insofar as we direct them otherwise, it seems to me that the human creature stands “over” creation to an extent.

But a thornier issue presses itself to the forefront here. For while I can envision some semblance of “rat-kind’s” flourishing, what does it mean for me to pursue the flourishing of, to choose two more flagrant examples, a species such as the variola virus or the fungus Cryphonectria parasitica, the latter of which has nearly eliminated the American chestnut population in its entirety? While Bretherton proposes that “a conception of human flourishing necessitates accounting for the symbiotic relationship between humans, other species, plants, and the microbial world” (33), these two particular species do not exist in symbiotic relationships with other creatures, but parasitical relationships. For either of these creatures to flourish or even live at all, it seems to me that some other creature must suffer at cost. And as an increasing number of the particular microbes that constitutes these two species flourish, there will be a degree of almost direct correlation with the diminution experienced by their hosts. While I agree, in large part, with Bretherton’s impetus and the need to think more through Christian ethics in light of our enmeshment in larger communal and environmental frameworks, I worry that this risks becoming more a dream than an aspiration. Put differently, it seems that Bretherton’s account of creation and creation’s flourishing is abstracted from the specific and concrete beings from which a category like “creation” emerges.

This objection may appear to be, admittedly, somewhat small potatoes as they say. But it is indicative of a larger issue, an epistemological one that lurks within the sediment: how do we ascertain the content of intra-species flourishing and what meaningful role does the revelation of God in Christ play in this endeavor? It is not that Cryphonectria parasitica or Orcas are evil per se, as no substance is intrinsically evil insofar as it is given being by God, the author of life. Rather, that there is a kind of disorder that permeates throughout the entirety of creation, one that affects our use of one another and the manner in which we organize our common lives. Yet it seems to me that we must throw up our hands, to a degree here and accept significant limitations with respect to our understanding of the manner in which God relates to nonhuman creatures. As Karl Barth writes, “The Word of God is silent on this point. It tells us how things stand between God and man. But it does not disclose the inner nature of the relation between God and the rest of creation . . . . There is no serious reason to suppose that we shall necessarily fathom and penetrate the nature of these inner relationships.”1 And it seems to me that in many cases this would apply to some of the more prickly features of creaturely kind. We simply do not know the manner in which God relates to, say, Botrytis Cinerea (a Redwood fungus), or how our common lives could be ordered so as to cultivate their flourishing and communion with God. It seems to me that in a devastated world we are epistemologically constrained. We know that fungi, viruses and Orcas alike are his creatures and the objects of his affection and love. And we know that in many ways these creatures require an impending divine action that will lead to their radical transfiguration, one for which we too await in hope.

These two questions are, of course, intertwined. It is curious to me that Bretherton generally avoids appeals to natural law and has elsewhere criticized the various articulations of the common good, but does not demonstrate how creaturely flourishing, in the broadest strokes, is to be constructed without appealing to these interwoven conceptual frameworks. This is all the more important when his communal understanding of human flourishing is taken into account. As Bretherton states early on, “We are not individual atoms bouncing against each other but mutually vulnerable, interdependent creatures. We cannot survive without others. And to thrive depends on being embedded in some kind of loving and just form of common life. Our individual flourishing is symbiotic with the flourishing of a wider ecology of human and nonhuman relations” (9). Repeatedly he refers to our pursuit of a common life as one that strives for something that is “shalom-like,” presumably to avoid overrealizing the eschaton or transmuting any present, political order into the stuff of the heavenly kingdom. Indeed, he dedicates an entire chapter to the manner in which finitude and fallenness limit the possibilities of our moral agency. But what does it mean to flourish as devastated creatures, wrapped in damaged flesh, inhabiting a devastated world?2 For the most part, Bretherton’s use of the qualifier “like” at the end of shalom significantly delimits any utopian aspirations one might try to build off of his project. Yet and still my discomfiture remains. For pursuant of an agenda to build something that approximates “shalom” it seems to me that there is something like a scale on which common lives might be organized, with some being more or less ideal for human and nonhuman well-being. But does this not risk underselling the radical transfiguration that all of creaturely being must undergo in order for “the wolf [to live] with the lamb, the leopard [to lie down] with the kid” (Isa 11:6)? Furthermore, what does it mean to approximate or approach creaturely wellbeing, human or otherwise, knowing that danger and the threat of damage lurk around every corner? What does it mean to pursue a “shalom-like” community when human life is circumscribed by its disposition to fall apart and this kind of ultimate catastrophe is the inevitable end to all of our stories? I can scarcely imagine what it might mean to listen to creation or cultivate the requisite virtues of my tradition when I’m bedridden, suffering from chronic pain, and experiencing the advanced stages of dimension. But is this not the final stop where most of our lives are headed?

I must admit that, at this point, the language of human flourishing and shalom, within the context of the devastation often leaves me feeling underwhelmed. We live in evil days, as Ephraim Radner has noted, within a present age of suffering (Rom 8:18–21).3 The catastrophes, pandemics, and ecological disasters that lurk around the corner are not novelties. And it seems to me that God in Christ reveals what it means to navigate the present age of suffering as an act of devotion and offering. What we see in the Incarnation is a picture of a human life in which shalom lies off in the distance (Heb 12:1–2). Even at the end of his life we see pain, suffering, and lack, as Christ thirsts (Jn 19:28), is abandoned by his loved ones (Ps 41:9), screams in agony (Mk 15:37), and dies (Lk 23:46). To call this flourishing of body, mind, or person, to borrow categories from Eleonore Stump, seems to stretch the very fibers of that word to the point of breaking.4 But while we might be reticent to identify Christ’s death as the epitome of human flourishing, we can rightly identify it as a life offered back to God, as a life that strives to find its fulfillment in God and in the service of God (Heb 5:7–8).5 Suffice to say that the navigation of one’s arc of life must account for the fact that we are creatures of the devastation that are disposed to fall apart and find our bodily, mental, and personal powers, not to mention our memories and relationships, in a rapid, ever quickening spiral of unraveling. And yet the Son condescends into this devastated world and assumes this devastated flesh.

So, to return to the epistemological question, what meaningful role does the revelation of true humanity in Christ play in the construction, formation, and articulation of what it means to live well? Indeed, this is the larger concern I have with Bretherton’s account of Christian ethics: there is startling little attention devoted to the event of God’s self-revelation in Jesus Christ, an event that not only serves as the revelation of Godself but also the revelation of what it means to be and live humanly. And if it is indeed the case that theological anthropology is normative in any robust sense for our account of what it means to live in the world God has made with our fellow creatures, it seems to me that Christology should be both the starting and endpoint of such deliberation.

None of this, of course, is to detract from the immense merits of Bretherton’s text. It is broad in scope and generative of the kinds of questions that Christians should busy themselves with. Yet until one attends to the particularities of creaturely existence, especially in its arc from dust to dust, I wonder if more attention must be devoted to what it might mean for us to merely carry on as mortal, devastated creatures from one generation to the next who long for an end to their sojourning.


  1. Karl Barth, Church Dogmatics: The Doctrine of Creation, vol. III/2, ed. G. W. Bromiley and T. F. Torrance, trans. H. Knight et al. (London: T&T Clark, 2004), 17.

  2. Here I am alluding to the work of Paul J. Griffiths. Griffiths writes, “to observe any creature for long . . . is to observe its decay, its ineluctable loss of goods it has now as it approaches its last loss, which is of life if it is animate, and of continued existence if it is inanimate” (Paul Griffiths, Decreation: The Last Things of All Creatures [Waco, TX: Baylor University Press, 2016], 91).

  3. Ephraim Radner, Mortal Goods: Reimagining Christian Political Duty (Grand Rapids: Baker Academic, 2024), 32.

  4. Eleonore Stump, Atonement (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2018): 318–326.

  5. Radner, Mortal Goods, 66.